Electoral Democracy or Hindutwa: Choice before BJP
The air was thick with speculation about the election process and expected and wished results. Lalu’s RJD, Paswans Lok Janshakti Party, Mulayam’s Samajwadi Party, Mayawati’s BSP, Jayalalitha’s AIADMK etc had prepared a wish list and expected mangoes to grow on coconut tree. They neither reaped the mango nor the coconut. The pragmatic regional party-Biju Janata Dal acted pragmatically as its ally, the BJP had become a white alabaster around Navin Patnaik’s neck with its rabid and aggressive policies on the ongoing struggle between Dalit Hindus and tribal Christians. Navin was rewarded with the removal of the noose from around his neck.
Mamata Banerjee, the firebrand, unpredictable and whimsical and arrogant Bengali political persona had a good catch taking advantage of blinded policies of the Left and their detachment from ground realities. The Congress also ran in Bengal clinging to the apron string of Mamata. Narrow regional vision, caste dependence and political arrogance did not pay dividend to Chandrababu Naidu and the Tamil Amma.
The Left, which always looks at the people and the world with left eye were unable to synchronize their vision and realize that globalization of economy is the order of the day; linking of Indian economy with global economy could not be stopped with rotten Marxist axioms and India required a broader nuclear understanding with the global community as part of its self reliance in power generation. They, like the Rip Van Winkle of the demised communist philosophy, suddenly woke up and started fantasizing the image of a Third Front with ramshackle wheels of Lalu, Paswan, Mulayam, Maya and Amma. Even a dream-cart cannot move on rotten wheels. Karat & co are yet to learn that Communism is dead and Indian communists are only a label on the old bottle of putrid Marxist wine. People of India are not ready to try them anymore.
The main warriors Congress and the Bharatiya Janata Party approached the polls more or less with the same agenda and usual slogans of recriminations, blame-game, personal attacks, sacs full of secular overtures and bags full of communal overtones. Congress had a few advantages over the BJP. Its projection of mild mannered, soft speaking and immaculately honest Manmohan Singh as the prime ministerial candidate rejecting courtier’s cacophony of Rahul as the new PM played a chord of trust in Public mind. Some rural oriented policies of the last government, like agricultural loan remission, NREG, Rojgar Yojana, housing schemes etc projected a pro-poor image. At the same time Manmohan’s limited success in the economic front by holding together the Indian economy in the face of global collapse, lower inflation rate and swing back in the share market also injected positive vibes in urban economy. Only the chronic heavy and addicted investors lost to some extent during temporary recession in the Sensex.
The Congress government had failed to arrest deteriorating law and order situation and increasing thrusts from Pakistan and Bangladesh based jihadi tanzeems. But the bold action of removing the hair-care Home Minister and induction of the old horse P. Chidambaram infused some confidence in the police and intelligence agencies, though he did precious little in the short time he got in the last short stint.
However, Manmohan government succeeded fabulously in globalizing the dastardly sea-borne attack on Mumbai by ISI pet Lashkar-e-Taiba. Never before had the U. S. Israeli and British intelligence helped India in unison. Global intelligence input coupled with Indian inputs had succeeded in framing an iron cast charge against Pakistan based LeT. After initial dithering, denials and coy demure postures Pakistan was forced to act. Well! Pakistan had very little choice. The Let, Jais-e-Mohammad, Lashkar-e-Jhanghvi and the Taliban groups had started hurting Pakistan enormously. The suicidal policy of Zardari-Gilani government was reversed under US pressure. Pakistan itself is now the main theatre of jihadi activities. Despite failure of Indian agencies to prevent the sea-borne attack, in spite of advance intelligence the global backing of India’s cause had won the day for Manmohan government. The mild master played tough. In contrast, though failure of the Congress in security front was its main plank, the BJP led government in 1999 botched up the IC 814 hijacking incident. By its abject surrender to the demands of the jihadis the BJP government did earn sympathy of few families who had staged daily dharna before 7 RCR. It did not please the country and the global community. In fact, it was a no win situation for which no one can be blamed. But Congress used it against BJP by hitting below the belt. Handling of the situation by RAW, IB and the concerned police forces (especially at Amritsar) exposed the chinks in Indian armour. This one failure compounded all other failures. The one pyrrhic success in Mumbai gave enormous dividend to Manmohan government. His action of removing the chief Minister of Maharastra also clicked in public imagination. All Political parties may agree on a formula: that none of them would use a national tragedy as election plank. If we cannot agree on everything, we can agree on one thing that the enemy can hit anytime, anywhere and at any target. Sonia’s action of targeting the IC 814 incident was very demeaning in nature.
The BJP led government, in general perception, had allowed the Kargil attack happen, as the PM, Defence and Home Ministers well unmindful of such possibility in the midst of peace talks. The colossal failures of the RAW, IB and Military Intelligence were virtually covered up and instead of rolling of heads two strange things happened: the enquiry report was dumped, the RAW and IB chiefs were rewarded with gubernatorial posts. This had not endeared the BJP in public eye; though the army and Air Force came out with flying colours. These instances are being cited about inexperience of the BJP in governing the country and their inability to extract the maximum from the bureaucrats. The Baboos are attuned to Congress whipping-rewarding; a legacy of the British past. The BJP is yet to master the tricks how to harness and drive the big Baboos.
To the credit of Congress it must be said that its youth face Rahul Gandhi, the ever-smiling face of Priyanka and the resolute lines of determination in the eyes and face of Sonia emitted positive vibes. The Youngistan Indian voters were drawn more to the Congress and in the final tally it was seen that Congress returned more youth MPs and the positive actions generated feelings of hope in public minds. They approached the election with positive approaches and aggressive agenda despite desertion by the Left Front, RJD, LJP, and in the face of humiliating bargaining by Mulayam Singh. The funniest part was Lalu Yadav offering 3 seats to Congress in Bihar.
The BJP has very little young face in the party; terming Arun Jaitly and Sushama Swaraj as young Turks would be an insult to Indian youth. BJP has a vast pool of youth power in the RSS and its limited cadres. But such youth cadres are not projected in planned manner; they are simply asked to worship, do pranam, charan sparsh etc of the senior leaders and follow them like herd of cattle. There is no system of training the youth leaders and gradually push them to the forefront. The geriatric leaders cannot match the youthful vibes of young leaders like Rahul, Priyanka, Jyotiraditya, Sachin etc. Moreover, Rahul had visited several universities and institutions to inspire the youths. The BJP and RSS leaders just issued sermons and did not make effort to exploit potential youths in the ABVP, RSS and other front organisations. The BJP does not have a resource pool in its youth wing who are allowed to graduate to higher positions.
The party, on the other hand, went to the poles with an artificial hype and concluded inference that the country was ready to reject the Congress for alleged failures of Manmohan government, minority and Dalit alienation from Congress, Left and caste satraps deserting the main adversary and with presumptions that in Andhra Pradesh TDP and Praja Rajyam Party would perform wonders. It’s over optimism of the charisma of Jayalalitha was not based on impact of the Sri Lankan war against the LTTE and AIADMK failure to empathize with the beleaguered Tamil civilians in Jaffna and Mullaitivu areas. DMK blew hot and cold and the aging supremo went on a token fast. Manmohan government’s open denunciation of Sri Lankan offensive and apparent neutrality on the issue had given ample opportunity to President Rajapaksha to go for the final push with liberal weapons and personnel supply from China and Pakistan. India silently connived with the killing of over 20,000 Tamil civilians by ground firing and bombing by Pakistani pilots flying Sri Lankan fighters. The BJP failed to gauge this diplomatic support of Delhi to Rajapaksha and at the same time carrying on diplomatic demarches for protecting Tamil interest. It is rather surprising that a couple of former intelligence chiefs now in BJP camp could not decipher this nexus between New Delhi, Chennai and Colombo.
The hollow hype was accidentally discovered when a former governor in a northeastern state dropped in a gathering of former bureaucrats and claimed that his party (BJP) would score minimum 180 seats. When confronted with state-wise tally the former and now governor-in- waiting fumbled and his figure of 180 collapsed like pack of cards. Another BJP stalwart rather scowled at me when it was pointed that that: Muslims were inclined to go with the best protector in different states and there would be no Muslim block-voting; the Dalits were disenchanted with Mayawati for her new love for the upper castes; two major states-Bihar and Orissa were under spells of Nitish Kumar and Navin Patnaik; Voters in MP, Gujarat and Uttaranchal were disenchanted with the ruling BJP and in Rajasthan they were angry with the former Royal Government of Vasundhara Raje. Though politically unattached, I was termed as a Congress agent by the friend. He was not ready to accept that the BJP had blundered in Orissa by pursuing blind pro-Hindutwa programme in Kandhmal, Narnendra Modi had lost considerable ground after his minister was indicted for communal riot, and that the government of MP had lost ground because of severe caste alienation, alienation of Muslim voters and maverick performance and scandalous antics of some of the ministers.
BJP’s lack of moderation, increase in shrill communal cries a la Varun Gandhi episode and arrogant defiance by Narendra Modi, Advani’s frontal personal attack on Manmohan Singh, Sonia Gandhi and Rahul Gandhi had not endeared the party to the electorates. As Arun Jaitly correctly said-moderation won over arrogance. Such personal attacks were not only symbols of political bankruptcy but this also betrayed that the eternal “Rath yatri” had nothing better to offer to the country.
Projection of the 82 year old veteran as “Lauh Purush” did not match with his performance as the Union Home Minister. Compared to him the low-profile, soft speaking and constructive approach of Manmohan Singh gave an impression that this one person was capable of carrying the country with him despite stabbing by some of his coalition partners. In fact, the country does not require a “Lauh Purush”; it requires a humble and silent determined worker who can push the country towards economic development and social integration and inclusion of as much sections of the people as possible. Advani’s image that he was in favour of exclusion of the minorities from his vision did more harm than consolidating Hindu votes. India has walked past the politics of exclusion. The Sangh Parivar refuses to understand this truth.
The other frivolous issue that Advani brought up was the claim that if voted to power his government would retrieve lacs of crores Indian money stacked in Swiss banks. It created some media hype. But it had no impact on the electorate. Congress craftily threw back the missile by asserting that BJP did precious little to retrieve the money when it was in power. Such frivolous issues betrayed BJP’s failure to project the core issues concerning the common people. No poor in India imagine that he would get a part of the fabulous money even if that was retrieved from Swiss banks. Like the Bofors gun it also has become a dead issue.
Indian Voters wanted a stable government; that underpinning could be discerned by any keen ground observer. People were tired with haughty, maverick, greedy and parochial coalition partners of Vajpayee and Manmohan regimes. Track records of Jayalalitha, Mamata, Chandrababu and Left groups as coalition partners have not been very laudatoriest. These seasonal birds flew away at the slightest pretexts and stalled several vital programming and decision making of the government. This time around the voters wanted stability and a compact government. As a coalition savvy party the BJP is less reputed than the Congress. Despite Left’s intransigence Manmohan had pulled up the nuke deal and surfed rather comfortably over the sudden crest of economic collapse initiated by down-slide domino action of US economy, followed by European and Japanese economic collapse. That involved some smooth jugglery and innovation. It is doubtful if BJP has that kind of resilience in surviving whimsical behavior of coalition partners and its capability of pulling off a major international deal in the face of domestic and international obstructions. Manmohan has proved conclusively that he is a better swimmer in adversity and his political boss Sonia Gandhi is a better oarsperson. The country trusted that team plus the projection of pro-youth image by Rahul and Priyanka. The BJP lacked these assets and skills to compete the oarsperson-ship of Sonia and swimming capability of Manmohan. The country, by and large trusted Mnamohan-Sonia duo and not the singular image of Advani. In the absence of Vajpayee the BJP failed to project a moderate face. Finally, Manmohan’s moderation scored better.
Congress took advantage of non-governance and bad governance in certain states led by idiosyncratic leaders. It did well in West Bengal, UP, Punjab, MP, Gujarat, Uttaranchal, Kerala and Rajasthan etc states simply because the people had started losing faith on Mayawati, CPM & partners, Akalis and disastrous performance by certain BJP led governments. Congress scored well in Andhra Pradesh and Haryana despite the incumbency factors; both YSR and Huda were rated as acceptable administrators despite complaints of heavy corruption against YSR.
In contrast the BJP failed to exploit this particular aspect; it rather failed to protect its own homes from poaching by the Congress. In seemingly impregnable Narendra Modi’s Gujarat Congress made substantive gains. It is fruitless to argue that Muslim voted in favour of Congress. They did because they have no confidence on Modi. Even Hindu votes were divided. The BJP, VHP and other ancillaries of the Parivar worked at cross purposes. With all his charisma and magic Modi had not succeeded to constructing a solid cadre base.
In fact, BJP has no confirmed and structured cadre base. Congress has some organizational structure even in remote villages. The party has considerable hold on Gram Sabhas, Panchayats, and Zila Parishads and through the Youth Congress and the NSUI among the youth forces. Devolution of power to the Panchayats has generated friendly vibes for the Congress. BJP’s grassroots organisation is amorphous. It depends on the cadres of the RSS, VHP, Bajrang Dal, ABVP etc outfits and peripheral workers who generally nurse Hindutwa as a political ideal. Political cadres are different from ideological cadres.
There are differences between Communist cadres and cadres of other political parties. Cadres are committed workers at the grassroots level who remain loyal to the party come summer come winter. Congress has minimum 25% of committed cadres, Communists 60% and the BJP around 10%. In an election mobilization the BJP has to fall back on Sangh Parivar cadres. Modi and other BJP leaders had failed to mobilize 100% support from the Parivar cadres; at several places the Parivar cadres even worked for Congress. In several places in Delhi, my personal knowledge indicate that the BJP booth managers had sold their boots and booth clusters to Congress candidates by accepting huge money. This was true in Delhi and even in Gujarat. Such deviation of Parivar cadre support is not new; it happened in 1980 when Indira Gandhi was supported by bulk of the Parivar cadres. The BJP and the Sangh Parivar have to sit on more Atmachintan and Atmamanthan to determine why this fiasco took place in 2009! Why the cadres betrayed them!
There are allegations that Modi suffered because of his strident and unrepentant communal attitude. On charges of genocide Modi and Rajiv Gandhi stand on the same pedestal; the former is accused of Gujarat riots and the later for 1984 anti-Sikh riots. Both Modi and Rajiv had erred on same counts; they did not order killing of the minorities, but both of them, being at the helms of administration, failed to respond speedily to prevent holocaust. The Sikhs have not pardoned Rajiv even after 25 years. How can Modi get out of the scar within such a short period? If he wanted to, he should have gone for demonstrative penance in respect of the riot sufferers, both Muslims and Hindus. This lack of lessons from history of Rajiv has harmed the BJP immensely.
Another problem that haunted the BJP was continuous infighting in the higher formations of the central party. Rajnath-Arun Jaitly tiff over manager-politician Mittal has been well publicized. It did not have a manager like Pramod Mahajan. Similar silent clashes between Advani-Joshi camps, Venkaiah Naidu-Modi camps were rattling the party from within. Lack of inner party coherence led to group fighting and distribution of tickets to non-deserving candidates and lackluster and disjointed campaigning. The BJP may like to look into the inner conflicts and try to realize if Rajnath is the right leader, if Joshi’s hunger for power has been saturated and if it is time for the party to throw up younger leadership from its own and some from the politically oriented RSS and ABVP cadres? Introspection should not end in shuffling the dusts under the carpets. They should learn from Congress that to attract millions of new Youngistan voters they require youth leaders in the front and not sandal paste-kumkum smeared old haggard foreheads. Youth is the key to future elections and the youth are not inspired by communal slogans. They want good governance.
Defeat often disorients political masses and their supporters. Some BJP and Sangh activists flooded the cell phone waves by SMS saying that BJP’s defeat could be attributed to rigging of the EVM by Congress CEC nexus. I had suggested one such propagandist that they should take a high level delegation to the President or file a petition in the Supreme Court. It silenced some of them. Propaganda has a problem. Like Hitler was eaten up by Goebbelian propaganda the BJP may also become a victim of such self-deception. It is correct that in many European countries and in USA EVM has come under suspicion. They have discarded the system. In Venezuela it was found that in the EVM supply company the government has 28% stakes. If there is doubt about EVMs an all party meeting can look into the matter and go into the depth if the Congress and CEC have any nexus with the EVM suppliers. However, in India ballot voting is more hazardous than EVM voting. In BV system booths are physically captured by some honourable and prospective honourable MPs.
The BJP has another inbuilt disadvantage. A green politician Varun Gandhi raised high strung communal slogans and emerged as a leader from a nobody. Agitational politics of the BJP had created many frontline politicians like Uma Bharti. Even a short span of history has proved that such politicians do not last. The BJP went all the way to support Varun. This might have helped Varun and the BJP in a few seats in UP. But it alienated Muslim voters from the party. On the other hand by replacing Tytlar and Sajjan Kumar, when Sikhs objected, Sonia Gandhi earned accolade of the Sikhs and sent a vibrant message to the minorities in general that Congress was ready to atone past mistakes.
Hopefully the BJP and the Parivar would learn from this and stop giving slogans of Ram Mandir, Hindutwa and narrow communal approaches, if the party wants to emerge as either a Left of the Centre or Right of the Centre mainstream all-India political entity acceptable to all communities. If it wants to remain a Hindu political entity it will suffer worse consequences. BJP cannot afford to break any more mosques, construct temples at disputed places and realize the impractical dream of Hindu Raj. Any impartial survey would indicate that common Hindus support status quo and are not seriously communal though some of them are concerned with alleged minorityism of the Congress & allies and are vaguely apprehensive of Muslim resurgence.
The BJP has another practical disadvantage. Considered as a Hindi heartland party, it has just started rooting in the South and in eastern States like Assam. Its back door entry in Bengal proves that Bengali Hindus, though considerably alerted by Muslim preponderance and demographic threat have to not been successfully converted to communal politics. If it has to find a foothold in the State of its founder leader, Dr. S. P. Mukherjee the BJP has to emerge as grassroots level mainstream party which can identify with middle class Bengali concerns and emerge as the voice of the Hindus in the districts bordering Bangladesh. The last Election has shown that Mamata and Congress exploited Muslim votes better than the CPM. The BJP has almost nil support in the rural areas. Sections of middle class urban voters alone cannot be a stepping stone to victory.
Congress has an advantage over the BJP. Being a remnant of the original Congress movement it has grassroots support almost in every part of India. Only bad governance by the Congress, as during the Emergency and scandal-ridden regime of Rajiv, had witnessed complete washout of the Congress. Bold and fair leadership can revitalise the dormant Congress supports in any part of the country. In 2009 election the moot question was: had Congress succeeded in projecting Sonia, Rahul and Priyanka as capable leaders who can give good governance? It is not easy to give any verdict just now. But, in case Manmohan government can continue to govern well and improve security environ and revitalise the economy than such a conclusion would not be out of place. BJP’s short stint in government does not support its claim of India shining.
The BJP, on the other hand, barring in Chattisgarh, Karnataka, and Himachal and to some extent in Madhya Pradesh has not been able to throw up a consolidated image of leadership that could be trusted with good governance. Its partial UP success is neither for Advani nor for Rajnath Singh. Upper, backward and lower caste Hindus lost confidence in BSP and SP. The fall out was almost evenly picked up by the Congress and the BJP. Muslims in UP, obviously voted mostly for the Congress. In fact, in the midst of election campaign some BJP insiders threw up the name of Narendra Modi as the Prime Ministerial candidate. Modi may have some credibility in Gujarat, Maharashtra and among committed Hindutwa voters but no one in the country is ready to accept as the PM, not yet, till he proves that besides being a Hindu he can uphold constitutional rights of all sections of the people. Rajiv Gandhi had failed on this score; so also Narendra Modi.
The BJP has not drawn lessons from history. Even at the peak of communal tension and killings on the eve of partition the Hindu Mahasabha had not succeeded in drawing votes from the majority Hindus. It was a pressure group in the Congress and remained a pressure group. If the party, whose successor is the BJP, could not cash on Hindu votes at the peak of communal divide how can it now dream of securing 100% Hindu votes? Such a situation can only arise if there is total cultural and religious polarization in the country. India is a multireligious, multicultural, multilingual and multiethnic country. Its kaleidoscopic varieties are enshrined in the Constitution. The BJP, if it wants to emerge as a giant opposition to Congress and riffraff regional and caste-based parties it should project an image of acceptability to all sections of the people. Such an image turnover is perhaps not possible as long as the political face of the party remain rooted in the Sangh Parivar. The Parivar, as a social movement, may continue to serve its targeted population for betterment of the community, serving the fringe population and fighting against caste divergences and unify the Hindu polity. The RSS can no more irresponsibly use the BJP as a political front. A composite country cannot be governed by party branded as communal. That BJP is communal is believed by many Hindus even. The BJP has to shed that stigma and while keeping Hindu welfare in mind, it has to adopt a policy for Sarvajana Hitaya Cha. Common welfare of all the common people is the soul of electoral democracy.
Some of my Hindutawadi friends mailed me long articles suggesting that the BJP was defeated because they were not sufficiently Hindu and deficiently secular. They advocated that stiffer Hindutwa slogans and activities would attract wholesale Hindu votes. The BJP should shed the secular image. It is difficult to make a blind see, dumb speak and deaf to hear to fine music (no dig at my especially able friends, it is a simile). My Hindutwa friends forget that India is a predominantly Hindu country that has come to accept secularism as a constitutional scheme of governance and essential ingredient of nationhood. Mere 13% Muslims cannot pose danger to 80% Hindus. The allegation of growing Muslim population and subversion of the Indian Muslims, though partially correct, is not a threat to the fabrics of the nation. Out of, say, 160 million Muslims at best 1 million may have turned resurgent. By itself the assumed figure is dangerous. Even in Taliban affected Pakistan the fighting strength of the Taliban is about 30, 000. It is correct that some Muslims have come to notice for violent pro-jihad activities. However, any deviant activities by any section of the Muslims can be tackled by the State under existing laws. Even if a small segment of the Muslims have been subverted that need not essentially lead to a conclusion that India requires a communal Hindu party to establish pure Hindutwa entity. It might create a situation in the country that existed in 1935 and rolled down to 1947 with indescribable pains. Do we want to go back in history and recreate the scenario that haunted us in the past?
Obviously not. Every religion and culture in India is distinct and these have added to the varieties of the country. One cannot thrive to the exclusion of the other. Such exclusivism had invited disaster in the past. Do we require recreation of the scenario? The BJP has to ask itself these questions and analyse that in a dynamic country geriatric leadership has inherent values as well as drawbacks. There has to be a healthy balance of generation gaps. The BJP requires grassroots cadres of its own not depending on the Sangh Parivar, should be able to evoke confidence in all sections of the people, desist from supporting mad religious frenzy and hatred and project an image that it can give good governance. One Vajpayee does not make a party. There should be thousands of Vajpayees to evoke confidence in public mind. Please stop Yatras, and get down to ground realities, if the BJP wants to emerge as the mainstream party acceptable to all sections of the people. Construction of Temples is the easiest job. Construction of a steady and believable political edifice that can govern is rather very difficult. In case BJP realize this than only India can have a healthy Two Party system with Lalu like riffraff elements thrown in the fringe.
Religious proclivities should be confined to societal, cultural and moral realms and banished from political framework by all the communities. Congress and riffraff parties should also rethink if their open pro-Muslim policies are not adding to the fear psychosis of the Hindus and are pushing them to resort to Newton’s Third Law of Motion-Hindu reaction to Muslim appeasement. Hopefully, Sonia Gandhi and the new Manmohan government would take this aspect seriously and give a positive message that the historical mistake committed by Congress in Lucknow session to agree to communal formulae for the country does not propel it to repeat the same while implementing highly controversial Sachar Committee Report, which is worse than the Lucknow formulae devised by Motilal Nehru. Sachar need not divide the country once more to alienate the majority for pleasing amorphous grievances of a minority. Out of 80+% Hindu majority in India at least 55% + are actively opposed to any Lucknow pact like arrangement under Manmohan-Sachar dispensation. Sonia and Congress, in the first flush of victory should not push the country back in history. Hindu susceptibility cannot be thrown away to dust bin of current history in the making; it is pregnant with several complicated dynamics, which have the potential of disturbing the seemingly secular fabrics of the country. In addition to one or two Abhinav Bharat suspected incidents hundreds of such incidents might resurface. On this issue the country is sitting on dry powder keg. Hopefully Manmohan would not be blind to these potentialities and repeat another 1916.
93 Responses to “Electoral Democracy or Hindutwa: Choice before BJP”
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December 26th, 2009 at 12:53 am
Amazing! It’s a real shame more people don’t know about this place, this article had exactly what I needed today
December 17th, 2009 at 9:16 pm
Sir,
As a formal IB personnel, i expected a lot of pragmatism in your article. But its disappointing.
While i agree with some of your points about BJP and congress, i find that a lot of that is influenced by popular media makings. Ofcourse, there is no alternative nationalistic media, and hence the media established facts have been influenced in you.
Now let me point out few things.
1. BJP needs efficient leaders and pragmatism. Not muslim appeasement. You are of the assumption that muslims have voted for BJP in the past and hence this time not voted for it, which is a wrong one.
2. Rahul baba and MM singh are popular only among urban middle and upper class voters who mostly do not vote. But for the rural people, their local leaders matters most.
3. You comfortably discounted the possibility of election rigging and manipulation, with deliberate projection of Naveen Chawla, and suppression of the report on him by former CEC gopalswamy.
4. Mumbai attack exposed congress’s and MM singh’s passiveness and inpotency, but sufficiently covered up by media. I feel, you failed to note that. As a common man, it appeared that the investigation is directly by Foreign agencies rather than Indian Intelligence. It mostly appeared that indian intelligence has become subsidiary of the american and british one. There is no assertiveness or independance of operations. I may be ignorant, but as a public, this is my opinion.
5. You mentioned about Kandahar. But what about the foolish and idiotic lethargy of the congress, to allow media to telecaste live coverage of the commando action, and the naken ineffectiveness displayed by congress?
Overall, with a disarrayed BJP and heavy influence of foreign agencies and their funds towards congress, the election itself is a mockery.
June 30th, 2009 at 10:11 am
One last question. Would you like to join the RSS to save the Hindus?