Soon after the assassination of OBL on May 2, 2011 a contingent of Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan and al Qaeda forces attacked the naval airbase in Karachi on May 21, destroying prestigious assets. Army intervention finally brought the situation under control. In addition to these there had been several attacks on army and ISI establishments. My journalist friend had declared Pakistan army as the most discredited and humiliated force in the world.

Indeed, the assassination of OBL has initiated avalanches of political tremor in Pakistan. The present epicenters revolve around three erupted volcanoes: Memogate Scandal, Supreme Court’s direction to act against corrupt politicians who were given amnesty by National Reconciliation Ordinance of President Musharraf, which exempted the president from any legal action for any action taken by him. Chief Justice Ifitkhar Chaudhry in a constitutional judgment has nullified that ordinance and directed the federal government to initiate action against corrupt politicians like president Zardari. Zardari-Gilani duo’s efforts to assert supremacy of the elected government and targeting ISI chief General Shuja Pasha and Chief of Staff Pervez Kayani added to political uncertainty and open expression of fears of military takeover of the reins of the government. The Army/ISI are capable of staging a coup; a natural event in Pakistan. But it appears that four pillars of Pakistan are not yet ready for another protracted stint of army rule. The political class are keen to cling to jamhooriyat (democracy), the judiciary is not keen to send democracy to hibernation by playing into the hands of the Generals, the Army is not yet willing for a putsch as the country is in financial doldrums, its relationship with the USA is at all time nadir and internal terrorist forces have firmed up grip on the Pakistani polity. Peoples of all sections of Pakistan are poised against Army rule; though they want tainted regime of Zardari to go. The fate of Pakistan hangs in balance.

To understand the scenario it is necessary to understand the Memogate affairs. The Memogate controversy revolves around a memorandum (addressed to Admiral Mike Mullen) seeking help of the Obama administration in the wake of the Osama bin Laden raid to avert a military takeover of the civilian government in Pakistan and conversely to assist in a civilian takeover of the military apparatus. Central actors in the plot included American-Pakistani businessman Mansoor Ijaz, who alleged that former Pakistan Ambassador to the United States Husain Haqqani asked him to deliver a confidential memo asking for US assistance. The memo is alleged to have been drafted by Haqqani at the behest of President of Pakistan Asif Ali Zardari.

The US-Pakistan relationship was at an all-time low before the assault on Osama bin Laden’s compound in Abbotabad on May 2, 2011. Civilians and the media blamed the Pakistani armed forces for being unable to locate bin Laden’s whereabouts and further criticized them for letting the United States conduct a unilateral operation on Pakistani soil, thereby prompting a furor over violation of Pakistani sovereignty by the United States. The incident put the civilian government and military officials at loggerheads. A meeting of the president, prime minister and the chief of army staff was called to discuss the issue in detail. The memorandum was allegedly written less than two days after the meeting was called, and a few days after the raid on the bin Laden compound.

According to messages leaked online from Mansoor Ijaz, Ambassador Husain Haqqani sent him a BlackBerry message on May 9, 2011, asking him to return a call to London, where the ambassador was on visit. The message further asked him to deliver a prompt proposal, initially verbally, for assistance to Admiral Mike Mullen. Ijaz, whose BlackBerry exchanges with Haqqani indicate he was in Monaco at the time, claims Haqqani had dictated the contents of what was to be relayed verbally in that first telephone call. Ijaz has further stated that his US interlocutors insisted on a written memorandum because of consistent problems in the recent past with Pakistani officials making verbal offers and later not honoring the same. Ijaz then drafted, on the basis of the Haqqani instructions, the memorandum in question and confirmed the contents by telephone and over numerous BlackBerry Messenger conversations with the Pakistani ambassador.

The following morning, Ijaz emailed a copy of the memo draft to the ambassador for proofreading and asked for assurances that the memo had the approval of the president of Pakistan. Shortly after a meeting with British delegates at 10 Downing Street, Haqqani read the proof for the final proposal and asked for it to be delivered immediately to Michael Mullen through a US interlocutor, James L. Jones, former NATO commander and US national security adviser to President Barack Obama. Prior to delivering the memorandum, Ijaz made clear that his military-go-between Jones, who would deliver the memorandum to Mullen, required assurances that the document had clearance from the highest office in Pakistan, upon which Haqqani allegedly responded by telephone “he had the boss’ approval”.

Content of the confidential memo were published in its entirety on Foreign Policy magazine’s website on November 17. The memo was addressed to Michael Mullen, and requested the Obama administration to convey a “strong, urgent and direct message to General Kayani and General Pasha” to “end their brinkmanship aimed at bringing down the civilian apparatus”. The memo then makes certain explicit offers to the United States government in exchange for their support. These include the following quoted from the memo:

“In the event Washington’s direct intervention behind the scenes can be secured through your personal communication with Kayani (he will likely listen only to you at this moment) to stand down the Pakistani military-intelligence establishment, the new national security team is prepared, with full backing of the civilian apparatus, to do the following:

A. President of Pakistan will order an independent inquiry into the allegations that Pakistan harbored and offered assistance to UBL and other senior Qaeda operatives. The White House can suggest names of independent investigators to populate the panel, along the lines of the bipartisan 9-11 Commission, for example.

B. The inquiry will be accountable and independent, and result in findings of tangible value to the US government and the American people that identify with exacting detail those elements responsible for harboring and aiding UBL inside and close to the inner ring of influence in Pakistan s Government (civilian, intelligence directorates and military). It is certain that the OBL Commission will result in immediate termination of active service officers in the appropriate government offices and agencies found responsible for complicity in assisting OBL.

C. The new national security team will implement a policy of either handing over those left in the leadership of Al Qaeda or other affiliated terrorist groups who are still on Pakistani soil, including Ayman Al Zawahiri, Mullah Omar and Sirajuddin Haqqani, or giving US military forces a green signal to conduct the necessary operations to capture or kill them on Pakistani soil. This “carte blanche” guarantee is not without political risks, but should demonstrate the new group s commitment to rooting out bad elements on our soil. This commitment has the backing of the top echelon on the civilian side of our house, and we will insure necessary collateral support.

D. One of the great fears of the military-intelligence establishment is that with your stealth capabilities to enter and exit Pakistani airspace at will, Pakistan’s nuclear assets are now legitimate targets. The new national security team is prepared, with full backing of the Pakistani government – initially civilian but eventually all three power centers – to develop an acceptable framework of discipline for the nuclear program. This effort was begun under the previous military regime, with acceptable results. We are prepared to reactivate those ideas and build on them in a way that brings Pakistan s nuclear assets under a more verifiable, transparent regime.

E. The new national security team will eliminate Section S of the ISI charged with maintaining relations to the Taliban, Haqqani network, etc. This will dramatically improve relations with Afghanistan.
F. We are prepared to cooperate fully under the new national security team s guidance with the Indian government on bringing all perpetrators of Pakistani origin to account for the 2008 Mumbai attacks, whether outside government or inside any part of the government, including its intelligence agencies. This includes handing over those against whom sufficient evidence exists of guilt to the Indian security services.

On October 10, 2011, Ijaz wrote a column in the Financial Times revealing and confirming that he had helped deliver to Admiral Mullen a memorandum drafted by a Pakistani official stationed in the United States at the behest of President Zardari. The op-ed did not explicitly name Haqqani as being the author of the memo. This disclosure fueled frenzy in the Pakistani media. The affair became the buzz of front pages in local newspapers in Pakistan when Mullen admitted that he had received the confidential memorandum soon after the raid on the bin Laden compound. Local media speculated as to the identity of the memo’s author. When asked whether he received the memo in May, Admiral Mullen said he had no knowledge of the memo but later changed his statement, saying he knew of the memo but “thought nothing of it”. Pentagon spokesman Captain John Kirby revealed in a press briefing that Mullen did not know and had never communicated with Mr. Ijaz.

The memo reached Mullen without any government seal or signature but the contents indicate that the memo was allegedly prepared by the civilian government in Pakistan. Kirby suggested that nothing about the letter had the approval of the Pakistani government and Mullen never acknowledged its relevance despite leaked BlackBerry messages between Haqqani and Ijaz indicated otherwise. On November 22, 2011, an official meeting took place at the Prime Minister House in Islamabad between President Asif Ali Zardari, Prime Minister Yousaf Raza Gillani, Chief of Army Staff Ashfaq Pervez Kayani, Director General of ISI Ahmad Shuja Pasha, and Ambassador Haqqani over the affairs of the alleged memorandum. Soon after, Haqqani tendered his resignation, which was duly accepted by the Prime Minister.

Several senior Pakistani government officials denied that the memo was written at the behest of the civilian leadership, either the Pakistani president or the prime minister. Multiple meetings were called regarding the contents of the memorandum between the President, the Prime Minister, and the Chief of Army Staff. The results and proceedings of the meetings have not been made public. President Asif Ali Zardari termed the allegations as a conspiracy against the government, further stating that he did not need intermediaries to convey messages since he had “direct access” to the President of the United States.

Several Pakistani opposition politicians saw opportunity in turning the scandal into a major political issue, accusing the Pakistani government of compromising Pakistan’s sovereignty and conspiring against the Armed Forces of Pakistan. At a major political rally, Pakistan Muslim League (N) leader and former Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif demanded an urgent inquiry into the matter. He also threatened to petition the Supreme Court of Pakistan, and resign from the National Assembly if the Zardari government did not satisfactorily investigate the matter. TIP leader Imran Khan has also made strident demands for adequate investigation into the scandal.

While several people presently and formerly associated with the US Government have acknowledged the existence of the memo, the Obama administration has relatively distanced itself from the controversy in the public eye. When asked about the matter, US National Security Adviser Tom Donilon declined to comment. Similarly, at a daily press briefing on November 18, 2011, US State Department Deputy Spokesperson Mark Toner stated “this is – I understand this is a big story in Pakistan. It’s partly a domestic story. We – and we’ll all treat it as such. I mean, our – we remain in contact with Ambassador Haqqani”. Admiral Mike Mullen’s former spokesman, captain John Kirby, acknowledged the existence of the memo, but clarified that “neither the contents of the memo nor the proof of its existence altered or affected in any way the manner in which Admiral Mullen conducted himself in his relationship with General Kayani and the Pakistani government. He took no note of it”. Later, Kirby also stated that Admiral Mullen was confident the memo did not originate from President Zardari. In an email to Pakistani media, former National Security Advisor James L. Jones acknowledged that he personally delivered the memo to admiral Mullen, but clarified that he was not a serving government official at the time he forwarded the message.

Many of Pakistan’s civilian leadership fear that the military is on the cusp of seizing control of the country once again, in the wake of the memogate scandal that has accused President Zardari of conspiring to plot a coup against the military. General Kayani and General Pasha have submitted their affidavit before the SC appointed enquiry body through the defense secretary, who forwarded these without approval of the government. He was removed by the Prime Minister and replaced by a loyalist. Many in Pakistan believe that the investigation is a sign of the democratic process actually working. Allegations of requesting a foreign government to remove the highest-ranking military officials of the country are matters of national security, and as such, it is imperative that these matters be thoroughly investigated. Pakistan has long become victim to the executive branch enjoying unquestionable authority, and for too long this authority has been granted by the courts. Whether or not Justice Chaudhry’s emphasis on a more involved and proactive judiciary – one that truly balances the clout of the ruling party and military – is sustainable, remains to be seen. Regardless, for this particular incident, perhaps the first time that the judiciary has been challenged on issues of national security, he has reinvigorated the belief that democracy in Pakistan can indeed work.

However, a comical situation has gripped Pakistan. At the height of rising tension between the PM and the army chief, Zardari flies to Dubai to attend a marriage, kicking up speculation that a coup was imminent. If Pakistan were not home to the largest collection of terrorists in the world, possessor of a nuclear weapons arsenal and right next door to India, its present political contortions could almost pass as comical.

Unfortunately, Pakistani politics is no laughing matter because it is the most visible symptom of the deeper malaise that afflicts the country. The present crisis has revealed all the known flaws in the Pakistani political system, but in greater relief than before. There is a military that refuses to allow any civilian leadership to genuinely run the country; a polity where institutions are so weak that personalities and personality clashes are all that matters. In this case, the character of the Supreme Court justice is arguably the most decisive issue. The leadership lacks the internal coherence to find compromises. Hence the propensity of Pakistani interest groups to seek the interference of outside powers, whether the United States, Saudi Arabia and increasingly China. Pak authorities have developed the habit of reclining on Saudi Arabia before any major is taken. To top it all the electorate is dominated by feudal interests in most parts of the country.

There can be little argument that the Pakistan military is largely responsible for this state of affairs. The military has worked assiduously to ensure that the civilian political leadership is weakened and that the institutions of government remain ineffective. It has intervened so often that Pakistan has never been able to have two civilian governments hand power to each other through an election. The men in khaki have a single motive: to ensure that they are the final authority in all matters in Pakistan. The present crisis shows that this policy is now delivering decreasing returns.

The army may be unhappy with the present civilian leadership, but it is also unable and unwilling to take over itself. The civilians, on the other hand, are using tricks taken from the army’s own shelf including trying to divide the corps commanders, use foreign governments and claiming the military is too close to America. The result is the present chaos where the military is trying to stage a constitutional coup through the courts. The President is trying to stage a coup within the military. And the Supreme Court is simply out to settle scores on behalf of its chief justice. In all probability the Army will side with the judiciary. The Prime Minister is making frenetic efforts to hide behind the Parliament, stressing on resolution in support democracy and validity of the stand taken by his government. President Asif Ali Zardari knows well that after revocation of the NRO by the SC, he stands naked before the law of the country. The PM cannot delay anymore initiating action against the President (Swiss bank enquiry) and other politicians. The final tragedy is that there are few things going right in Pakistan: its western provinces are in flames, terrorist of different denominations are active inside the country, its exchequer is empty, it is still reeling from the effects of last year’s floods and its internal social problems are mounting. But its leadership is playing musical chairs to a tune solely of their own making.

As we compose this essay the Supreme Court has held PM Gilani guilty of contempt of court and asked him to appear in person on January 19th. Law Minister Maula Bux Chandio said that the government would consult lawyers with respect to the court’s notice and that whatever would be done would be done in accordance with the law and constitution. On the other hand, the Memogate case is also being heard in the SC. Mansoor Ijaz is yet to arrive in Pakistan to depose in the case. The Blackberry phone of Hussain Haqqani has not been found in his office and residence. It is simply missing. Ijaz is yet to produce his phone. Blackberry authorities are reluctant to share data without valid and legal request from Pakistan.

Another PIL is being heard in Lahore High Court which requested the judiciary to ban for all time to come, military takeover of Pakistan. The outcome will be intently followed by pro-democracy people of Pakistan. Nawaz Sharif is inclining more towards the Army-SC entente, visibly gravitating away from his earlier stand of protection of Parliamentary Democracy.

The National Assembly gave the PPP led coalition government a major morale boost on January 16, in the face of perceived challenges with a resolution passed with a big majority reposing trust in the political leadership and urging all state institutions to strictly remain within their constitutional limits. A jubilant Prime Minister Yousuf Raza Gilani called the vote a `historic moment` in support of democracy and parliament and declared amid cheers from the house that he would appear before Supreme Court on Thursday to comply with summons to answer a contempt show-cause notice.

So far the triple tango in Pakistan that started after US raid on OBL at Abbotabad and exacerbated with the Memogate, has neared the peak. Coming days should determine if Zardari and Gilani will become victims of judicial activism and pro-active Army-judiciary alliance. The dangerously instable nuclear power is threatened from within and can pose threat to neighbors. Let’s count the moments.

Poverty is widespread in India, estimated to have a third of the world’s poor. According to a 2005 World Bank estimate, 26.1% of the total Indian population was below the international poverty line of US$ 1.25 a day, in nominal terms Rs 21.6 a day in urban areas and Rs 14.3 in rural areas. A recent report by the Oxford Poverty and Human Development Initiative states that 8 Indian states have more poor than 26 poorest African nations combined which totals to more than 410 million poor in the poorest African countries. According to UN Millennium Development Goals Report, as many as 320 million people in India and China are expected to come out of extreme poverty in the next four years, while India’s poverty rate is projected to drop to 22% in 2015. The report also indicates that in Southern Asia, however, only India, where the poverty rate is projected to fall from 51% in 1990 to about 22% in 2015, is on track to cut poverty in half by the 2015 target date.

The 2011 Global Hunger Index (GHI) Report ranked India 45th, amongst leading countries with hunger situation. It also places India amongst the three countries where the GHI between 1996 and 2011 went up from 22.9 to 23.7, while 78 out of the 81 developing countries studied, including Pakistan, Nepal, Bangladesh, Vietnam, Kenya, Nigeria, Myanmar, Uganda, Zimbabwe and Malawi, succeeded in improving hunger condition.

Percentage population living on less than 1 dollar a day from 2007-2008. (Click to expand)

India stands at 41% to 60% nearly at par with some African and SE Asian countries in comparison to 4-20% in Pakistan and China. Despite claims of increased GDP and estimated 7-8% growth rate, present statistics indicate that in industrial sector growth rate has slowed down and turning to over -5% index. Several strange facts are not known to the common people, even the conscious middle class about socio-economic conditions of India. The following chart will offer a quick glimpse. These are official statistics. Real ground situation is more serious.

Number of people, in India, who are below poverty line (Real estimate 50 cr) : About 300 million (30 Cr.)

Number of people, in India, who work in the organized Public Sector, i.e. with the Central and State Government ( Nearly 2.5 cr) : About 19 million (1.9 Cr.)

Number of people, in India, who work in the organized Private Sector : About 8 million (0.8 Cr.)

Number of people, in India, who work in the unorganized Sector (nearly 40 cr) : About 320 million (32 Cr.)

Number of people, in India, who are unemployed approximately (Nearly 50 crore) : About 300 million (30 Cr.)

Number of JOBS which need to be created every year, to fulfill the aspirations of the people of India (Nearly 2 cr) : About 10 million/yr. (1 Cr.)

Number of people BORN every year in India (China is only 10 million per year. Population growth alarming. : About 27 million/yr. (2.7 Cr.)

There has been no uniform measure of poverty in India. The Planning Commission has accepted the Tendulkar Committee report which says that 37% of people in India live below the poverty line (BPL). In fact it is nearly 50%. The Arjun Sengupta Report (from National Commission for Enterprises in the Unorganized Sector) states that 77% of Indians live on less than Rs 20 a day (about $0.50 per day). The N.C. Saxena Committee report states that 50% of Indians live below the poverty line.

A study by the Oxford Poverty and Human Development Initiative using a Multi-dimensional Poverty Index (MPI) found that there were 645 million poor living under the MPI in India, 421 million of whom are concentrated in eight North and East Indian states of Bihar, Chattisgarh, Jharkhand, Madhya Pradesh, Orissa, Rajasthan, Uttar Pradesh and West Bengal. This number is higher than the 410 million poor living in the 26 poorest African nations. The states are listed below in increasing order of poverty based on the Multi-dimensional Poverty Index.

Multi-dimensional Poverty Index, Click to enlarge

Poverty alleviation in India progresses at slow rate. Presence of a massive parallel economy in the form of black (hidden) money stashed in overseas tax havens, black money hoarded inside the country and underutilization of foreign aid have also contributed to the slow pace of poverty alleviation in India. Although the Indian economy has made progress over the last two decades, its growth has been uneven when comparing different social groups, economic groups, geographic regions, and rural and urban areas. Between 1999 and 2008, the annualized growth rates for Gujarat (8.8%), Haryana (8.7%), or Delhi (7.4%) were much higher than for Bihar (5.1%), Uttar Pradesh (4.4%), or Madhya Pradesh (3.5%). Poverty rates in rural Orissa (43%) and rural Bihar (41%) are among the world’s most extreme.

Despite claimed economic progress, one quarter of the nation’s population earns less than the government-specified poverty threshold of 32 rupees per day, approximately US$ 0.25.

According to a recently released World Bank report, India is on track to meet its poverty reduction goals. However by 2015, an estimated 53 million people will still live in extreme poverty and 23.6% of the population will still live under US$1.25 per day. This number is expected to reduce to 20.3% or 268 million people by 2020, in case job generation programmes progress evenly and growth in industrial and agricultural sectors keeps pace with the domestic and market expectations. However, at the same time, the effects of the worldwide recession in 2009 have plunged 100 million more Indians into poverty than there were in 2004, increasing the effective poverty rate from 27.5% to 37.2%. Between 1999 to 2011 this rate has marginally gone up because of devaluation of the Rupee, high inflation and abnormal price rise.

There is no doubt that during last three decades about 10-15 million people have crossed the BPL level and graduated to lower and upper middle class. But their elevation has been neutralized by devaluation of the Rupee and abnormal price rise. The definition of poverty in India has been called into question by the UN World Food Programme. In its report on global hunger index, it questioned the government of India’s definition of poverty saying: The fact that calorie deprivation is increasing during a period when the proportion of rural population below the poverty line is said to be declining rapidly, highlights the increasing disconnect between official poverty estimates and calorie deprivation.

While total overall poverty in India has declined, the extent of poverty reduction is often debated. While there is a consensus that there has not been increase in poverty between 1993–94 and 2004–05, the picture is not so clear if one considers other non-pecuniary dimensions such as health, shelter, education, crime and access to infrastructure. With the rapid economic growth that India is experiencing, it is likely that a significant fraction of the rural population will continue to migrate toward cities, making the issue of urban poverty more significant in the long run. Urban poverty is another scaring problem that may haunt the nation sooner than later.

Some, experts like P Sainath, hold the view that while absolute poverty may not have increased, India remains at an abysmal rank in the UN Human Development Index. India is positioned at 132ond place in the 2007-08 UN HDI index. It is the lowest rank for the country in over 10 years. In 1992, India was at 122ond place in the same index. It can even be argued that the situation has become worse on critical indicators of overall well-being such as the number of people who are undernourished. India has the highest number of malnourished people, at 230 million, and is 94th of 119 in the world hunger index, and the number of malnourished children; 43% of India’s children under 5 are underweight (BMI<18.5), the highest in the world as of 2008.

A 2007 report by the state-run National Commission for Enterprises in the Unorganized Sector (NCEUS) found that 77% of Indians, or 836 million people, lived on less than 20 rupees per day USD 0.50 nominal, USD 2.0 in PPP, with most working in “informal labor sector with no job or social security, living in abject poverty. However, a new report from the UN disputes this, finding that the number of people living on US$1.25 a day is expected to go down from 435 million or 51.3 percent in 1990 to 295 million or 23.6 percent by 2015 and 268 million or 20.3 percent by 2020.

Two important projects of the Government: MGNREGA and the latest Food Security Bill (Act likely soon) which aimed at poverty alleviation and economic sustainability of the poors and the BPL are considered as flagship programme of the government. The NREGA was introduced in 2005 with a view to provide minimum 100 days employment to the rural people at minimum daily wage rates. Dr. Jean Drèze, a Belgian born economist, at the Delhi School of Economics, has been a major influence on this project. A variety of people’s movements and organizations actively campaigned for this act. The act directs state governments to implement MGNREGA schemes. Under the MGNREGA the Central Government meets the cost towards the payment of wage, 3/4 of material cost and some percentage of administrative cost. State Governments meet the cost of unemployment allowance, 1/4 of material cost and administrative cost of State council. Since the State Governments pay the unemployment allowance, they are heavily incentivized to offer employment to workers. However, it is up to the State Government to decide the amount of unemployment allowance, subject to the stipulation that it not be less than 1/4 the minimum wage for the first 30 days, and not less than 1/2 the minimum wage thereafter. 100 days of employment (or unemployment allowance) per household must be provided to able and willing workers every financial year.

Several misuses and corrupt practices have haunted the programme. Though designed to provide some subsistence income to the rural poors this scheme is tied down in labyrinthine shackles of panchayet and bureaucratic systems. The MGNREGA is one of the largest initiatives of its kind in the world. The national budget for the financial year 2006-2007 was Rs 113 billion (about US$2.5bn and almost 0.3% of GDP) and now fully operational, it costs Rs. 391 billion in financial year 2009-2010. It was argued that funding would be possible through improved tax administration and reforms, yet the tax-GDP ratio has actually been falling. There are fears the programme will end up costing 5% of GDP. Can India afford such colossal expenditure in the name of giving employment, which do not create infrastructure, generate jobs, improve home and small industries, encourage artisans and turn the jobless people productive and national assets? NO. MNGREA is another name of making people dependent on beggary, through limited manual work.

Another important criticism is that the public works schemes’ completed product (e.g. water conservation, land development, afforestation, provision of irrigation systems, construction of roads, or flood control) is vulnerable to being taken by over wealthier sections of society. A monitoring study of NREGA in Madhya Pradesh showed the types of activities undertaken were more or less standardized across villages, suggesting little local consultation. Panchayet sharks, lower level officials cooked up the roster of attendance and misappropriated huge funds. Thousands of names were found to be fraud in Maharashtra, Uttar Pradesh and Bihar.

Further concerns include the fact that local government corruption leads to the exclusion of specific sections of society. Local governments have also been found to claim more people have received job cards than people who actually worked in order to generate more funds than needed, to be then embezzled by local officials. Bribes as high Rs 50 are paid in order to receive the job cards from the panchayets.

A multi-crore fraud has also been suspected where many people has been issued the NREGA card who is either employed with another Government Job and who are not even aware that they have a Job Card. The productivity of laborers involved under NREGA is considered to be lower because of the fact that laborers consider it as a better alternative to working under major projects. There is criticism from construction companies that NREGA has affected the availability of labor as laborers prefer to working under NREGA to working under construction projects. It is also widely criticized that NREGS has contributed to farm labor shortage. In July 2011, the government has advised the states to suspend the NREGA programme during peak farming periods. The National Advisory Committee (NAC) advocated the government for NREGA wages linkage with statutory minimum wages which is under Minimum wages act as NREGA workers get only Rs100 per day. Many observers have commented that the UPA government has been trying to create a bonded vote bank through huge state expenditure in a mammoth project, which has become ungovernable, ridden with corruption and giving an impression to the people that beggary is better than productivity. This is enlarging the pyramid base of paupers, poors and beggars in India, dependent on various kinds of doles.

The Food Security Bill, another brain child of Sonia Gandhi and her NAC (same Dr. Jean Drèze, a Belgian born economist, at the Delhi School of Economics and N. C. Saxena as seed propagators). This scheme proposes subsidized food grain, pulses etc supply to nearly 65% of the population with no end-date limit and no fixed budget provision. This new act will add immense burden on national resources and will nearly drain the treasury. “While the purpose of ensuring food security to the poor is laudable, the food security bill is not the right mechanism for it,” said Biswa Nath Bhattacharyay, lead professional, Asian Development Bank. Bhattacharyay said that with already high inflation and ballooning budget deficit because of the falling rupee, expenditures on nonproductive activities like this would further aggravate the economic problems of the country which is faltering in many areas. He said the government, facing a trust deficit in the market, does not have enough money. “Still it is planning to spend on nonproductive activities. It is not at all sustainable. I can understand if the government is investing on sectors like infrastructure. If you go on doing these activities which is very difficult to sustain and have pilferage and other problems, the confidence of India goes down,” He added the proposed legislation would lead to larger outflow and decreased inflow of money, creating money scarcity and free fall of rupee.

Very valid criticism of the FSB has come from R. Ranganathan, eminent journalist and economic analyst. According to him The Food Security Bill is not the way to ensure food security. Nothing could be further from the truth. Food security comes from ensuring three things: creating jobs and income, ensuring higher food output by raising productivity, and creating a safety net to feed those who can’t do so in distress situations. What the Food Security Bill does is to make the exception the rule: offering food subsidies to almost all people (65 percent of the population) without an end-date. This is irresponsible populism. A government that does nothing in its seven-year tenure so far to improve agricultural productivity and which fails to invest in research and infrastructure suddenly wants to end food insecurity with a bill two years before an election. If it genuinely cared for the poor, what stopped the government from helping them in phases every year from 2004? By now hunger could have been eliminated. The FSB is thus an attempt to fool the electorate before elections, with the bill being paid by all of us – either as taxes or higher inflation. The 2011 move is well calculated to garner vote by offering subsidized food; creating new class of beggars.

He feels government is afraid of withdrawing any subsidies to the better off for fear of offending them, and then claims that those opposing the FSB are anti-poor. Even a petrol price hike gets Congress party men worked up enough to get it withdrawn. Pranab Mukherjee is shrinking from imposing a tax on diesel cars. The UPA is willy-nilly subsidizing the rich – and unwilling to back off from this. The Congress exploits the middle class and small and marginal traders and manufacturers and gives tax holidays to the rich. The problem is politicians want to eat their growth cake and have it, too. The last budget (2011-12) put the total revenue forgone as a result of direct and indirect tax concessions at a stupendous Rs 5,11,630 crore. This sounds like an easy bank to raid to finance the ambitious FSB, but let’s look at what these tax-breaks include: Rs 88,263 crore in corporate taxes forgone for encouraging exports, etc, Rs 50,658 crore in individual tax breaks (two-thirds of it is the ubiquitous 80C deductions – PF, NSCs, LIC premium – which the middle class loves), and the balance (Rs 3, 72,709 crore) constitutes excise and customs concessions of various kinds.

These are the taxes forgone on the “rich” and on “business”. But are they really only that? Concessions to export houses create high-value jobs in the IT and other sectors (and prevent the rupee from crashing much more); concessions to companies to set up industries in backward areas and the north-east are the only way to create jobs there; concessions to middle-class salary earners are the only way to get them to save and buy insurance. And excise and customs cuts lower prices on all goods. Which “benefits” do we want to eliminate? The finance ministry has fought shy of withdrawing even the 2008 post-Lehman stimulus package, or raise customs duties on items like petroleum goods. The UPA can choose how it wants to tax the rich to feed the poor. It has ducked this choice – and this is why we are in a financial mess, unable to fund a legitimate food security measure.

The UPA’s self-serving answer is to keep throwing money at the problem and hope it gets solved. But the FSB is not India’s first crack at hunger. In the past we have had the food-for-work programme (a mix of NREGA-like work with payments being made in kind), the Antyodaya scheme (targeted at the ultra-poor), the mid-day meal scheme for children, and the anganwadi schemes for mother and child. Above it all, we have a leaky public distribution system (PDS) which works well in some states and badly in others.

The only logical way to tackle hunger is to try different methods in different states and see which one works best and extend the model nationally. This is how the mid-day meal scheme introduced in Tamil Nadu – and much derided by critics then – was adopted nationally. Like burning a candle at two ends, social security should either target the income-generating side of livelihood (which is what NREGA tries to do) or the consumption side (which is what the FSB tries to do). Ensuring that at least one works well will ensure the other. Both need to be backed with an efficient public distribution system – which need not be publicly owned.

However, what do we see now? NREGA is in the doldrums, since states and district administrations are unable to provide enough work for the poor. The scheme is riddled with massive corruption. Money is being spent carelessly, and the scheme is not achieving its basic goals – ensuring higher incomes, and the creation of assets in rural area that will ultimately improve agricultural productivity.
The right way to approach food security would have been to fix NREGA first – even by extending it to six or nine months a year – and then launching food security schemes in places where NREGA has not worked. By making both a creaky NREGA and FSB nearly universal, the UPA is actually saddling the country with huge costs without delivering worthwhile results. There is no enhancement of productivity, job generation, promotion of industry, promotion of cash-crop initiative, and utilizations of the vast human resources in nation building work. By vote-bank doling the Congress is pushing the vast segment of the populace to beggary. A subsidy makes a beggar out of the poor. It is demeaning. An income is what the poor need – though no one denies the need for direct food supply schemes when things are bad. Most farmers don’t find farming remunerative, so government gives them cheap electricity, cheap fertiliser, subsidized power and diesel and a minimum support price for their produce. Government does not tax the rural rich. Money flow from big industry to agri-sector is increasing rapidly. It is a ruse for tax evasion.

There are many economists who wonder how India will cough up the funds to finance the scheme which will see the country’s food subsidy bill climb to $19bn from $13bn. The government insists money will not be a problem. There are also questions about how beneficiaries will be identified and targeted in a transparent manner in a country where there are different official estimates of the poorest of the poor – from 37% to 77% of the people, depending on whom you believe.

India’s state-run cold storage and grain storage system is shambolic, so where is the guarantee that some 65m tones of food grains procured from farmers for distribution for the scheme – up from 55m tones presently – will not rot before reaching the beneficiary? How can the food grains be distributed through the leaky public distribution system shops without reforming them? So is India again putting the cart before the horse? Without reforming its laws and public institutions, welfare schemes with the best intentions run the risk of floundering. The FSB is likely to fatten the procurers, distributors and black marketers.

For the scheme to work, the government will need to target beneficiaries properly, rebuild the storing capability and revamp the distribution system. The public distribution system, for example, could be made accountable by issuing smart cards to beneficiaries to eliminate bogus cards and fraudulent withdrawal. If the food security scheme does not work, economists believe, India is doomed to remain a hungry republic. It is already one of the fast-growing economies with the hungriest people in the world. And it can get worse.

Sonia Gandhi’s election eve gamble is likely to drain out Indian resources to unproductive charity, a confused political perception which can at best turn 65% of Indians to perpetual beggars-unable to come out of the dungeon of poverty, unemployment and wastage of human resources. Sonia appears to be determined to turn India to a nation of beggars.

Goa, though not a major State, has been a vexing scene of Ayarams and Gayarams of Indian electoral abuses. In 2007 election Congress had won 16 seats and the BJP 14. Two independents were induced to join Congress, thus, offering the party another opportunity to form the government. Since last elections Goa’s political scenario has been dominated by sex scandals, murder charges and rampant corruption. Since criminality is not a disqualifying factor in Indian politics, it is anticipated that when Goa goes to the hustings again same pack of political wolves would dominate the stage.

Political pundits speculate that in Gujarat Narendra Modi is likely to make a repeat performance. Congress camps hope that besmearing Modi with several coats of scandals of alleged police excesses, victimization of apparently honest and upright police and administrative officers and continued media and legal focus on 2002 communal riots, they would succeed in making serious erosion of Modi’s popularity.

In the 2007 elections BJP won 117 seats out of a total of 182. Modi’s several political and public actions of extending healing touches, broadening grassroots contacts and noticeable economic progress despite national slowdown have attracted voter’s attention. Several industries have already started operations in the State and despite BJP’s stand against direct FDI entry into India; Gujarat continues to attract foreign investment mainly because of comparatively peaceful labor situation and tax incentives. Agriculturally also Gujarat has made significant progress, in spite of flood and drought ravages in certain regions. Gujarat is considered an entrepreneur and capital investment friendly State.

Congress stalwarts, including prince in waiting, Rahul Gandhi have not made any serious foray in Gujarat. Though carries, by accident, the Gandhi surname after him, the Gujaratis are aware that this one Gandhi is fake and has nothing to do with the Father of the Nation. Party supremo Sonia and the PM Manmohan Singh have not yet started maneuverings in the State. Some party insiders hope against hopes that the tools of the central government would succeed in putting Modi behind the bars under some charges or other. Such machination is not new for the Congress High Command and some of lackey departments like the CBI and NIA. Their main concern is with the higher judiciary that has declined to toe the wished of Congress High Command and its tools of governance.

Election forecasting is not an astrological pseudo-science. It depends on the mood of the people, prevailing political textures, evaluation of past performances, appreciation or depreciation of actual benefits reaching the people and campaign fodder. From distance views, sampled evaluations and attitudinal approaches of the Congress it appears that Gujarat voters are likely to opt again for Narendra Modi; may be by an increased margin. Very frequently hurled communal stigma has not hit the bull’s eye in Gujarat, vast number of populace, including sizeable Muslims do not personally blame him for communal riots. Some Gujaratis aver: if Modi was guilty for non-action, so was Rajiv Gandhi in 1984 mass Sikh pogrom.

Himachal Pradesh continues to be in the eye of political storm. The BJP had won 41 seats out of 68 seats in 2007 elections. Some vapor of hope has been generated in Congress chest after its candidate Lakhwinder Singh defeated BJP candidate Gurnam Kaur by a small margin at Nalagarh assembly bye-election. However, Congress lost the holding seat at Renuka ® constituency during the same bye-election process.

A recent Supreme Court judgment reversing the High Court judgment on HP Congress secretary Asha Kumari in a land grab case in Chamba has created fresh political embarrassment for the party. However, Congress tried to balance the situation by accusing that HP BJP government had consented to direct FDI in retail trade. This has been refuted by the party.

In last two years Himachal have gone through vagaries of drought, excess rainfall, flooding that hampered cash-crop production and marketing. Economic hardship aside, the BJP has suffered image-erosion because of several scandals involving important political figures. Generation of jobs for the youth has come under sharp criticism. Investment has come from outside the State, but not in bulk job generating sectors. The much touted live labor and employment portal has not been updated since March 2005 and records 8.80 lakh unemployed people in the state. On the other hand government employment has reached a saturation point as Himachal already has the highest percentage of government employees in the country.

A recent World Bank study on Himachal Pradesh categorically stated that “‘difficult choices in public policies will be needed that mark some break from past development strategies. The role of the state, in particular, must change increasingly from a direct provider of services and jobs to being an enabler of human and natural resource development potential.”

Besides economic issues intra and inter party bickering have weakened the party structures of both the BJP and the Congress. The NCP and other smaller parties are trying to secure spaces for themselves. However, from present trends it appears that the BJP may be able to maintain its grip on power after the 2012 elections.

Punjab is likely to be in for surprise. The BJP-SAD coalition presents an apparent conjunction of Hindu and Sikh political forces in the State. Punjab politics and administration are being severely haunted by charges of rampant corruption by the politicians and all layers of bureaucrats and police. The Congress governments under Rajinder Kaur Bhattal and Capt. Amrinder Singh had come under severe criticism for heavy corruption, siphoning of development funds to political pockets and neglect of infrastructural developments. Personal and group scandals had pervaded the political scene.

Situation did not improve with BJP-SAD coalition. Prakash Singh Badal, chief minister from Malwa region had taken over the reins after claiming that if allowed a five year tenure he would change the face of Punjab and saturate it with growth. Nearly after 5 years the coalition government has been able to do little in the core agricultural sectors of the State. High cost of input, fragmentation of land, increased salinity, non-remunerative price, tyranny of commission agents and whims of the FCCI have added to the woes of the grain-bowl of India. Besides the land degradation, a number of secondary issues have resulted due to the Green Revolution, which has the potential to impact the growth of Punjab in future. Land consolidation is one such issue. Small or marginal farmers have found it difficult to benefit from HYVs, machinery and fertilizers in their fields due to which the wealth disparities have widened further than before. Also, installing pumps and using higher amount of fertilizers have increased the cost of production, thereby increasing the average debt taken by the farmers. Every year, a lot of subsidies have to be provided to the farmers in form of cheap electricity, loan waivers and lower interest rates. These costs are seldom counted as the costs of production in awarding the success crown to Punjab. The real GDP growth of Punjab from 2007-08 to 2008-09 has been about 14% as compared to its neighbor Haryana that grew at about 18% during the same period. This is an indicator of the growth stagnation for Punjab’s economy that’s highly dependent upon agriculture to an extent of 65%.

Agricultural indebtedness is very high and in recent years nearly one thousand farmers have committed suicide due to pressure of poverty, indebtedness and unsustainable growth of products. Big mechanized farms have increased in numbers. But the middle rung and small farmers are dependent on migrant labor coming from UP, Bihar and illegal Bangladeshis. The Congress, SAD+BJP governments have failed to address the deteriorating condition of the marginal and small farmers.

In the industrial belts of Ludhiana, Jullandhar etc areas large employment providing infrastructure industries have not come up since 1980. Migrant labors and growing communal conflicts have added to the woes in the industrial belts. Two incidents taking place within a span of two days in the state’s commercial capital Ludhiana have created communal and migrants-locals tensions. In the first incident which created migrants-locals tensions the police was mainly responsible for allowing the situation to deteriorate. It first refused to register a complaint by two migrants who were robbed by the bikers’ gang alleging that the police had failed to do anything about the snatching incidents taking place for the past few days. The enraged migrants, mostly from Bihar and UP, blocked highways and set ablaze vehicles. Having failed to check rioting, the police encouraged youth of nearby villages to combat the migrant protesters with lathis and swords. As a result, what began a clash between migrant laborers and police, quickly turned into a clash between locals and the migrant laborers. Several social reasons are responsible for dependence on migrant labor force. This has caused severe restraint on job opportunity of the original Punjabis.

Religious communalism has taken different dimensions in Punjab. The SGPC and the Sikhs in general do not recognize the Nirankari sect as a part of true Sikh Panth. There had severe clashes between the two groups in the past. Skirmishes between the Sikh groups and the Dera Sachha Sauda sect of Sikhism are common. Communal heat generated by alleged anti-Sikh activities of Divya Jyoti Sanstan (Nurmahal) had created serious communal situation in the recent past. Punjab is full of several Deras and Akharas, which represent amalgamated forms of Sikhism and Hinduism. Besides the Arya Samaj movement these splinter groups have also emerged as communal irritants.

The recent Muktsar incidents of assault of a woman teacher by a SAD sarpanch and fracas during visit of PS Badal to his home town area have kicked up new controversies. Unless astutely handled the may snowball into a popular agitation against SAD government.

On the other hand, Congress is also in disarray. Leadership tussle, weak organizational structure and failure to offer viable alternative have left little choice before the voters. Legendary corruption charges against Amrinder Singh government is still vivid in memory, though corruption per say, has little impact on the people. Most of them lament but breathe in corrupt political vapor.
From present studies it appears that the BJP+SAD combine has minor edges over the Congress. Much would depend on the viability of BJP-SAD alliance, seat adjustments and last minute image repair works undertaken by senior and junior Badals.

A BBC story recently carried a political analysis in the context of UP, titled Waiting for Rahul Gandhi. Since 2008 Rahul had set to the mission of Discovery of India, visiting towns, places, sleeping and eating in poor and tribal homes and trying to enervate the youth workers of the party. Uttar Pradesh, the political cradle of the Nehru family, has shut doors on the Congress party. Kaleidoscope governments of Samajwadi Party, Bahujan Samaj Party, Bartiya Janata Party have ruled the state for nearly two decades. Rahul’s foray in the last election in Uttar Pradesh in 2007 did not yield spectacular results. The Bahujan Samaj Party won an absolute majority in the 2007 election. The incumbent chief minister is Mayawati. BSP won 206 seats out of a total of 403 seats.

Mayawati appears to be well entrenched in power. Despite several corruption charges against her and family members, allegations of spending unnecessarily on construction of her own statues and those of innumerable elephants (party symbol), Mayawati continue to maintain stranglehold on her dalit vote banks and by modifying her caste mixology chemistry she has succeeded in drawing the upper caste vote banks nearer her. Once a bitter enemy of savarna (upper caste) Hindus, Mayawati has changed track to adopt the slogans of Bahujan Hitaya and Bahujan sukhaya policy. In highly caste ridden society of Uttar Pradesh this slogan may succeed to some extent. Her allegation that Congress is dependent on Thakur, Rajput votes, she is trying to draw the Brahmins and other intermediate castes (OBC) etc support.

Corruption is a major issue in UP. Sexual misdemeanor, murder and plundering of the exchequer are few of the charges on which six ministers were sacked. Allegedly huge budget and non-budget funds were diverted to pet projects of CM Mayawati. Bhatta Parasaul land deal with the construction companies at hefty commission and alleged personal gain, Yamuna Expressway and several other scandals have besmeared the image of the CM. The CBI had also taken cases about her disproportionate assets. However, with sizeable strength in the Parliament Mayawati has played her card well to blackmail Congress which heads the fragile UPA II government in Delhi.

As far as general economic health of UP is concerned that despite allegations huge corruption the State has made steady growth in certain sectors and aggregate growth is appreciable. Between 1999 and 2008, the economy grew only 4.4% per year, one of the lowest rates in India. But between 2007 and 2011 under the Mayawati govt, the economy grew at over 7% GDP growth rate in the time when Indian economy faced the melt down due to global recession. Furthermore, UP has been one of the five state including Bihar, Chhattisgarh, Punjab, Maharashtra, have registered growth rates higher than their respective targets set for the 11th Plan period (2007-12) so far, Parliament was informed today. UP registered growth rate of 7.28% against the target of 6.10%. Uttar Pradesh attains an 8.08% GDP growth rate in year of 2010-2011.

Congress icon Rahul Gandhi has jumped into the UP election fray with full vigor and sincerity. Besides other party stalwarts Digvijay Singh, in charge of UP, is also working with teams of workers. Rahul made several frontal attacks against Mayawati. The Samajwadi Party Mulayam and son Akhil Yadav have also been campaigning viciously. The BJP column is spearheaded by Uma Bharti, herself a dalit leader. The election war has warmed up.

However, Mayawati played a master stroke. She managed to get a motion passed in the legislative assembly through voice vote splitting the State into four States- Purvanchal, Bundelkhand, Avadh Pradesh and Pashchim Pradesh. Eastern UP and Bundelkhand areas have been complaining about developmental neglect since 1970. A special grant from the central government for Buldelkhand and personal attention by Rahul and Sonia Gandhi has not improved the situation. Rashtriya Lok Dal of Ajit Singh (aligned to Congress) has been demanding creation of Harit Pradesh in western UP. This will now be known as Paschim Pradesh. Naming the central part of UP as Awad Pradesh has ignited hopes of Avdis (especially Muslim nobility) that the heart of the core of UP would regain its pristine glory. The division has put the ruling Gandhi family is disarray. Both Amethi and Rae Bareilly constituencies have been clubbed with Purvanchal.

The demand for vivisection of UP, a huge Hindi heartland State is old. Earlier Uttarakahnd was curved out of UP to give the hill areas a distinct political character. However, by making this announcement Mayawati has stolen march on her political opponents. The UP government is likely to send the proposal of quadric-section of the State to the central government.

As the situation stands the BSP of Mayawati enjoys edge over her closest rival SP. The BJP and Congress are running at distant third and fourth position. There are indications that the BJP is making significant gains at the cost of SP and Congress. Uma Bharti’s campaign may succeed in garnering more dalit votes. However, dalits plus Brahmins and edges of OBCs and Muslims are inclined to again favor Mayawati. She is likely to emerge as the leader of the largest party in the assembly. Speculation about another BSP and BJP coalition in the state is still in nebulous stage. Rahul Gandhi in UP and national election scene may still remain as an unarrived Godot, for which Congress party awaits so eagerly.

This newly acquired economic and military prowess is not solely responsible for China’s obsession with the South China Sea, claiming a vast segment of the Pacific Ocean as its backwater. Increased sea presence in South China Sea by Japan, Taiwan, South Korea, Philippines, Thailand, Vietnam, USA and China has prompted China to aggressively display its rights in the open seas.

In an earlier essay I had stressed on the aspects of the need for greater Indian presence in the Indian Ocean, right from the Malacca Straits to the mouths of the Red Sea and the Gulf of Hormuz. Increased collaboration between India and the US in the Indian Ocean and the Gulf of Thailand and South China Sea was also suggested. It was pointed out how China was Thailand to create a Panama Canal type passage from the Indian Ocean to the Gulf of Thailand to escape any future crunch on the Straits of Malacca. A Chinese effort to open up rail and road connection to the sea ports of Myanmar was also highlighted. All these are directed at greater Chinese access to the Indian Ocean and the Gulf oil routes. For the purposes of creating strategic outposts around India, China has been successful in establishing string of Pearls in Pakistan, Sri Lanka and Myanmar. It’s presence in Bangladesh, Maldives and Afghanistan is on the increase. So is the situation in the Central Asian Republics.

However, Chinese media often come up with undisguised warning whenever India successfully lands in forward airfields like Vijaynagar in Arunachal Pradesh, reinforces troops presence near Indo-China border, stations fighter units and missile positions in the forward border regions. China played funny game when an Indian Navy vessel made a routine call at a Vietnamese port. On a routine call at a Vietnam port, Indian naval assault vessel, INS Airavat, was harassed by the Chinese navy when it was travelling in open international waters in the South China Sea. The Chinese naval ship had warned the Indian ship for entering the territorial waters of China. The Indian Captain called the Chinese bluff by ignoring the warning and asserting that it was navigating in the international waters.

India has several times protested China’s presence in the Northern Areas of Jammu & Kashmir now under illegal occupation of Pakistan (Gilgit-Baltistan), their engagement in hydro-project, road, rail and other construction matters. Reported presence of over 11,000 Chinese PLA personnel in Pakistan was also protested by India. China refused to take even diplomatic cognizance of the Indian protests.

However, China has vehemently protested against India’s ONGC exploring oil and gas in the Vietnamese territorial waters, considered a part of the so-called South China Sea. The issue came up in the recently concluded ASEAN summit in Bali. India firmly rejected China’s objections to its presence in the South China Sea, with Prime Minister Manmohan Singh telling Chinese leader Wen Jiabao that Indian interests were “purely commercial” and sovereignty claims must be settled according to international law. The same view has been reiterated by Japan, Vietnam, Philippines, Indonesia and Malaysia.

Sources said the PM’s response came during the interaction that saw Wen seek greater coordination between India and China on the agenda of the East Asia summit. Wen’s raising of the South China Sea issue with Singh signaled Beijing’s growing concerns particularly as it has fought hard to keep this out of the purview of both ASEAN and East Asia Summits, preferring to deal with the matter bilaterally. Other nations are not interested in Chinese approach. They prefer international adjudication.

Addressing Asean leaders during the Asean-China summit later this morning, Wen warned “outside forces” from getting embroiled in the South China Sea dispute. The Chinese uneasiness reflects increased preoccupation with neighbors like Vietnam with whom the Asian giant has not always had peaceful relations.

“The dispute which exists among relevant countries in this region over the South China Sea is an issue which has built up for several years,” Wen told Asean leaders. “It ought to be resolved through friendly consultations and discussions by countries directly involved. Outside forces should not, under any pretext, get involved,” he added.

China has reason to sweat. Not only is India exploring for oil in areas Beijing feels lie in its territory. China’s Asian neighbors and rival claimants to South China Sea want the differing perceptions to become a multilateral issue so they together have a stronger case. And now the US has jumped into the dispute as well by pushing maritime security to the forefront of the East Asia summit.

US President Barack Obama, attending his first East Asia Summit here, told PM Manmohan Singh that this forum should be the premier one to discuss maritime issues, despite China’s objections. The gathering “can be the premier arena for us to be able to work together on a wide range of issues: maritime security or nonproliferation,” Obama told Singh. India has raised China’s hackles because of an oil exploration agreement with Vietnam, signed during the Vietnamese president’s recent visit to New Delhi. A joint statement after that visit said pointedly, “disputes in the East Sea/South China Sea should be resolved by peaceful means… in accordance with universally recognized principles of international law, including the 1982 UN Convention on the Law of the Sea and the 2002 Asean-China Declaration on the Conduct of Parties in the South China Sea.”

The issue of South China Sea (?) is required to be understood in historical context.

South China Sea

The South China Sea contains over 250 small islands, atolls, cays, shoals, reefs, and sandbars, most of which have no indigenous people, many of which are naturally under water at high tide, and some of which are permanently submerged. The features are grouped into three archipelagos (listed by area size), Macclesfield Bank and Scarborough Shoal:
Main islands are: The Spratly Islands, The Paracel Islands, The Pratas Islands, The Macclesfield Bank and The Scarborough Shoal. There are raging disputes over the Spartly, Paracel and Pratas Islands. Countries in dispute are PRC, ROC, Japan, Philippines, Brunei, Indonesia, Malaysia, Vietnam and Singapore. It is an extremely significant body of water in a geopolitical sense. It is the second most used sea lane in the world, while in terms of world annual merchant fleet tonnage; over 50% passes through the Strait of Malacca, the Sunda Strait, and the Lombok Strait. Over 1.6 million m (10 million barrels) of crude oil a day are shipped through the Strait of Malacca, where there are regular reports of piracy, but much less frequently than before the mid-20th century.

The region has proven oil reserves of around 1.2 km³ (7.7 billion barrels), with an estimate of 4.5 km³ (28 billion barrels) in total. Natural gas reserves are estimated to total around 7,500 km³ (266 trillion cubic feet). According to studies made by the Department of Environment and Natural Resources, Philippines, this body of water holds one third of the entire world’s marine biodiversity, thereby making it a very important area for the ecosystem.
The following map will illustrate the audacious expansionist demand of China in the so called South China Sea:

Such belligerent attitude of China, as indicated by the red dotted line, indicate that recent attitude displayed by China at ASEAN + conference in Bali is confrontationist. With further growth of Chinese maritime power and indicated declining presence of the USA this part of the Pacific Ocean may turn to a virtual war zone.

Such belligerent attitude of China, as indicated by the red dotted line, indicate that recent attitude displayed by China at ASEAN + conference in Bali is confrontationist. With further growth of Chinese maritime power and indicated declining presence of the USA this part of the Pacific Ocean may turn to a virtual war zone.

In the recent meeting between Obama and Wen Jinbiao the South China Sea issue had come up. US National Security Adviser Tom Donilon said the “informal meeting” between Mr. Obama and Mr. Wen focused mainly on economic issues. He said the two leaders discussed “specific issues around business practices” as well as Chinese currency controls. Mr. Donilon said the United States did not have a view on sovereignty on the South China Sea, but wanted to see shipping lanes remain open.

“We don’t have a claim, we don’t take sides in the claims, but we do as a global maritime power have an interest in seeing these principles applied broadly,” he said. On Friday, in comments which appeared directed at the US, Mr. Wen warned “external forces” not to get involved in the maritime dispute. The Philippines had asked the US to step in to help solve the row, but ASEAN secretary general Surin Pitsuwan said that ASEAN and China could resolve the issue peacefully by themselves. India, however, pointed out that it was not interested in territorial claim or permanent naval presence in South China Sea. However, India mentioned that its presence in Vietnam waters for oil and gas exploration was only commercial in nature. The ONGC has been exploring oil and natural gas in different parts of the world under bilateral contracts. As India’s look east policy gathers strength in coming years such commercial activities may extend to the waters of the Philippines, Indonesia and Brunei etc countries. India’s approaches to Myanmar for oil and gas exploration are also likely to mature in commercial activities. Bangladesh has not formally approached India. With improved relations such commercial activities cannot be ruled out.

Besides growing tensions along the land borders, diplomatic and strategic observers believe, India-China maritime confrontation is likely to increase around the countries considered as Chinese String of Pearls around India and in and around the South China Seas. Indian naval power growth is no more Pakistan specific. It is China oriented too. Confrontation with China at sea is a part of the strategic game the two countries are playing, with Japan, Taiwan, Vietnam and the USA as keen stage-players.

Hillary did not know that in the subcontinent there are snake charmers, Bedes and Saperas who rear snakes, earn living by showing snake dances and often succumb to snake bites. Pakistan is not a western style snake charmer. Pakistan is a kind of snake lover which in Bangladesh is described Badiyas and in north India as Saperas. Pakistan Army and the ISI are expert snake-catchers and snake keepers. Only problem with them is that their snakes flourish in religious bigotry, hatred and ceaseless bloodletting and often bite back venomously paralyzing the Pakistan society and the state. The ISI is not a Been (a kind of flute) maestro who can keep his snakes charmed forever.

It is not necessary to revert to the history of fabrication of jihadists by Pakistan, USA and Saudi Arabia and their allies during the crucial turning era of swan song of the Cold War USSR and its blundering geopolitical thrust in Afghanistan. In short, Islamists from Pakistan, Egypt, Saudi and other Arab countries and few other Muslim nations were allured to join the Afghan jihad by the USA, Saudi Arabia and Pakistan. The history is tortuous. In short the Islamic Unity of Afghanistan Mujahideen (Seven Party Mujahideen Alliance or Peshawar Seven) was an Afghan organization formed in May 1985 by the seven Afghan Mujahideen parties fighting against the Soviet and Democratic Republic of Afghanistan forces in the Soviet-Afghan War. The alliance sought to function as a united diplomatic front towards the world opinion, and sought representation in the United Nations and OIC.

The constituents of the alliance fell into two categories, the political Islamists: Khalis faction (Khalis), Hezb-i- Islami (Hekmatyar), Jamiat-i-Islami (Rabbani-recently killed), and Islamic Union for the Liberation of Afghanistan (Sayyaf), and the traditionalists: National Islamic Front for Afghanistan (Gailani), Afghanistan National Liberation Front (Mojaddedi), and Revolutionary Islamic Movement (Mohammadi). All of the groups were Sunni Muslims, and all were majority Pashtun except Jamiat-i-Islami, which was Tajik.

At present three major Afghan Taliban groups operate in vast areas of Afghanistan. These groups are:

The original group of Taliban formed with ISI and Pakistan Army help is headed by Mullah Mohammad Omar. Mullah Mohammad Omar is the founder and spiritual leader of the Afghan Taliban. After his defeat by U.S.-led forces in 2001, he fled to Pakistan, and most reports say he now controls the group’s shura (council) from the Pakistani city of Quetta. In a statement released in September, he said the Taliban were pursuing a nationalist agenda that would not “cause jeopardy to others.” With debate widening over how, or if, the U.S. should reconcile with the Taliban, some analysts saw it as an opening and the Taliban moving away from al Qaeda’s ideology; while others saw it as non-negotiable rhetoric from an extremist group. The Taliban was dealt a major blow in February, when Omar’s top deputy and military strategist, Mullah Abdul Ghani Baradar, was captured in Karachi by U.S. and Pakistan intelligence. As well as running the day-to-day operations, Baradar had been a key Taliban negotiator in Saudi-brokered peace talks with the Afghan Talibans. Elimination of Osama bin Laden by the USA has also weakened the Omar group. Recent revelations indicate that the Inter Services Intelligence of Pakistan and Saudi intelligence are still supporting Omar group, with sanctuary in Pakistan, fund and weapons supplies. Pakistan treats Omar a strategic asset in Afghanistan for negotiating terms with Washington and NATO.

Omar group has strong operational bases in Pak Balochistan areas, Helmand, Kandahar and Zabul provinces. Its forces often carry out anti-US operations in Kabul and adjacent areas and generally collaborate with ISI for obstructing US/NATO supply systems to Afghanistan via Pakistan.

The other strategic asset of Pakistan is the Hezb-i-Islami group of Gulbuddin Hekmatyar. The Pashtun commander has re-emerged as a potent force in Afghanistan, with strong support in the north around his native Kunduz province, where Hezb-i-Islami has been gaining ground. Hekmatyar has been a player in Afghan politics since before the Soviet occupation in the 1980s, when he was backed by the U.S. and Pakistan. He briefly served as Afghan prime minister in the mid-1990s and was driven out by the Omar-Taliban during the fall of Kabul. After years in exile in Iran before being expelled after 9/11, he is now believed to operate his insurgency from Peshawar in Pakistan. He is in constant touch with the ISI and some US sources had also tried to influence him. The ISI uses Hekmatyar for subduing US influence in the northern areas of Afghanistan, where forces loyal to late Commander Massoud still hold forts.
Although the U.S. has kept Hekmatyar on the terrorist list, President Karzai has been talking with him about a role in Kabul, where the political party Hekmatyar founded in the 1970s holds 19 seats. Considered less ideological than the Taliban — even though his insurgents fight alongside them — analysts believe he will hold out for a dominant role in Afghanistan’s future. Hekmatyar group mainly operates in Kunduz, Baghlan, Kapisa, Laghman and Kunar region of Afghanistan. Though the US was trying to solicit support from Tajik and Uzbek authorities and the Northern Alliance of anti-Taliban groups of general Massoud, it appears that Pakistan supported Hekmatyar groups have gained ground considerably.

Hillary’s reference to backyard snakes was mainly directed at the Haqqani Network of Taliban, which operate from the shadowy areas of Afghan-Pakistan borders and is in firm control of the ISI. The history is chequered.

The Haqqani Network is an insurgent group fighting against US-led NATO forces and the government of Afghanistan. Originating from Afghanistan during the mid-1970s, it was nurtured by Pakistan’s Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) and the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) during the 1980’s Soviet war in Afghanistan. Maulvi Jalaluddin Haqqani along with his son Sirajuddin Haqqani lead the group, which is believed to be based in the Waziristan tribal frontier of Pakistan, although it operates on both sides of the Afghanistan-Pakistan border. It is allied with the Omar-Taliban and affiliated with Osama bin Laden’s al Qaeda network.

According to US military commanders it was the most resilient enemy network and one of the biggest threats to the US-led NATO forces and the Afghan government in the current war in Afghanistan. In October 2011, U.S. Secretary Hillary Clinton explained that American officials have contacts with the group.

Maulvi Haqqani rose to prominence and was recognized as a senior military leader during the Soviet occupation of Afghanistan. The Haqqani family hails from southeastern Afghanistan and belongs to the Zadran Pashtun tribe. Like Gulbuddin Hekmatyar, Haqqani was more successful than other resistance leaders at forging relationships with outsiders prepared to sponsor resistance to the Soviets, including the CIA, Pakistan’s Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI), and wealthy Arab private donors from the Persian Gulf. In the late 1980s, Haqqani had the CIA’s full support. Foreign jihadists recognized the network as a distinct entity as early as 1994, but Haqqani was not affiliated with the Taliban until they captured Kabul and assumed de facto control of Afghanistan in 1996. After the Taliban came to power, Haqqani accepted a cabinet level appointment as Minister of Tribal Affairs. Following the U.S. led invasion of Afghanistan in 2001 and the subsequent overthrow of the Taliban government, the Haqqanis fled to the Pakistani bordering tribal regions and regrouped to fight against coalition forces across the border. As Jalaluddin has grown older his son Sirajuddin has taken over the responsibility of military operations. Journalist Syed Saleem Shahzad, allegedly killed by the ISI, reported that President Hamid Karzai had invited the elder Haqqani to serve as Prime Minister in an attempt to bring “moderate” Taliban into the government. However, the offer was refused by Jalaluddin.
Main leaders are:

Jalaluddin Haqqani
Sirajuddin Haqqani
Badaruddin Haqqani – younger brother of Sirajuddin

Sangeen Zadran – According the US State Department, he is a senior lieutenant to Sirajuddin and the shadow governor for Paktika province in Afghanistan.
Nasiruddin Haqqani.

Abdul Aziz Abbasin – According to the U.S. Treasury, he is “a key commander in the Haqqani Network” and serves as the “Taliban shadow governor of Orgun District, Paktika Province, Afghanistan.”
Haji Mali Khan – According to NATO, he is “the senior Haqqani commander in Afghanistan” and is uncle to Sirajuddin and Badaruddin.

The US and allies are more concerned about Haqqani Network after its recent attack on US embassy in Kabul and other prominent targets. The leadership is based in Miranshah, North Waziristan in the Federally Administered Tribal Areas of Pakistan along the Afghan border. The network is active in Afghanistan’s southeastern areas of Paktia, , Paktika , Khost , Wardak , Logar , and Ghazni provinces. Haqqani is reported to run his own training camps, to recruit his own foreign fighters, and to seek out financial and logistic support on his own, from his old contacts. The New York Times reported in September 2011 that the Haqqanis have set up a mini-state in Miranshah with courts, tax offices and madrassas, and that the network runs a series of front companies selling automobiles and real estate. They also receive funds from extortion and smuggling operations throughout eastern Afghanistan. In an interview a former Haqqani commander called the extortion the most important source of funding for the Haqqanis.

Estimates of the Haqqanis’s numbers vary. A 2011 report from the Combating Terrorism Center places its strength roughly at 10,000-15,000. Throughout its history the network’s operations have been conducted by small, semi-autonomous units organized according to tribal and sub-tribal affiliations often at the direction of and with the logistical support of Haqqani commanders.

The Haqqani network pioneered the use of suicide attacks in Afghanistan and tends to use mostly foreign bombers whereas the Omar-Taliban tends to rely on locals in attacks. According to a tribal elder in Paktia Haqqani’s people ask for money from contractors working on road construction. They are asking money or goods from shopkeepers, District elders and contractors are paying money to Afghan workers, but sometimes half of the money will go to Haqqani’s people. The network, according to the National Journal, supplies much of the potassium chlorate used in bombs employed by the Taliban in Afghanistan. Also, the network’s bombs use more sophisticated remote triggering devices than the pressure-plated activators used elsewhere in Afghanistan. Modern technology of bomb manufacturing was taught by the ISI.

Anti-American groups of Gul Bahadur and Haqqani carry out their activities in Afghanistan and use North Waziristan as rear. The group’s links to Pakistan have been a sour point in Pakistan – United States relations. In September 2011 the Obama administration warned Pakistan that it must do more to cut ties with the Haqqani network and help eliminate its leaders, adding that “the United States will act unilaterally if Pakistan does not comply.” In testimony before a US Senate panel, Admiral Mike Mullen stated that the network “acts as a veritable arm of Pakistan’s Inter-Services Intelligence Agency.” Although some U.S. officials allege that the ISI supports and guides the Haqqanis, President Barack Obama declined to endorse that position.

Pakistan in return rejected the notion that it maintained ties with the Haqqani network or used it in a policy of waging a proxy war in neighboring Afghanistan. Pakistani officials deny the allegations by asserting that Pakistan had no relations with the network. In response to the allegations, Interior Minister Rehman Malik claimed that the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) had trained and produced the Haqqani network and other mujahideen during the Soviet war in Afghanistan. The Pakistani interior minister also warned that any incursion on Pakistani territory by U.S. forces would not be tolerated. A Pakistani intelligence official insisted that the American allegations are part of “pressure tactics” used by the United States as a strategy “to shift the war theatre.” An unnamed Pakistani official was reported to have said after a meeting of the nation’s top military officials that “We have already conveyed to the US that Pakistan cannot go beyond what it has already done”. However, Pakistani claims were contradicted by the network’s warnings against any U.S. military incursions into North Waziristan and by the Pakistan Army’s public acknowledgement of contacts with the Haqqanis.

Pakistani denial apart, global intelligence agencies and capital are convinced that the Haqqani Network and the Hekmatyar Taliban groups are firmly connected with the ISI and Pakistan Army.

These are not the only snakes Pakistan rear and feed in Afghanistan and Pakistan. There are more sinister strategic assets which have turned Pakistan to a virtual snake pit. The top of the most visible snake-hood is that of Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan. Pakistan is plagued by home grown Taliban groups.

Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan (the TTP) is an umbrella organization of various Islamist militant groups based in the Federally Administered Tribal Areas along the Afghan border in Pakistan. Most, but not all, Pakistani Taliban groups coalesce under the TTP. In December 2007 about 13 groups united under the leadership of Baitullah Mehsud to form the Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan. Among the Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan’s stated objectives are resistance against the Pakistani state, enforcement of their interpretation of sharia and a plan to unite against NATO-led forces in Afghanistan.

The TTP is not directly affiliated with the original Afghan Taliban. Pakistani Taliban groups which had fought in Afghanistan later retreated to North and South Waziristan after US attacked that country. In late 2008 and early 2009 Mullah Omar asked the Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan to stop attacks on Pakistani targets and instead support the war in Afghanistan. In February 2009 the three dominant Pakistani Taliban leaders agreed to put aside their differences to help counter a planned increase in American troops in Afghanistan and reaffirmed their allegiance to Mullah Omar and to Osama bin Laden. Yet, the TTP has almost exclusively targeted elements of the Pakistani state. Qari Mehsud claimed in April 2010 the TTP would make cities in the United States a “main target” in response to U.S. drone attacks on TTP leaders. The TTP claimed responsibility for the December 2009 suicide attack on CIA facilities in Camp Chapman as well as the attempted bombing in Times Square in May 2010.

TTP clashes heightened in 2002 when the Pakistani military ordered incursions into the tribal areas to originally combat Arab, Uzbek, Tajik, and Chechen etc militants fleeing from the war in Afghanistan into Pakistan. It was in July 2002 that Pakistani troops, for the first time in 55 years, entered the Tirah Valley in Khyber tribal agency. Soon they were in Shawal valley of North Waziristan, and later in South Waziristan. This was made possible after long negotiations with various tribes, who reluctantly agreed to allow the military’s presence on the assurance that it would bring in funds and development work. But once the military action started in South Waziristan a number of Waziri sub-tribes took it as an attempt to subjugate them. Attempts to persuade them into handing over the foreign militants failed, and due to apparent mishandling by the authorities, the security campaign against suspected al Qaeda militants turned into an undeclared war between the Pakistani military and the rebel tribesmen.

In December 2007 the existence of the Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan was officially announced under the leadership of Baitullah Mehsud. On August 25, 2008, Pakistan banned the group, froze its bank accounts and assets, and barred it from media appearances. The government also announced that bounties would be placed on prominent leaders of the TTP. In late December 2008 and early January 2009 Mullah Omar sent a delegation, led by former Guantanamo Bay detainee Mullah Abdullah Zakir, to persuade leading members of the TTP to put aside differences and aid the Afghan Taliban in combating the American presence in Afghanistan. Baitullah Mehsud, Hafiz Gul Bahadur, and Maulavi Nazir agreed in February and formed the Shura Ittehadul Mujahideen (SIM). In a written statement circulated the three affirmed that they would put aside differences to fight American-led forces and reasserted their allegiance to Mullah Omar and Osama bin Laden. However, the SIM did not last very long and collapsed shortly after its announcement.

In August 2009 a missile strike from a suspected U.S. drone killed Baitullah Mehsud. After severe power struggle Hakimullah Mehsud had been selected leader of the TTP. Faqir declared that the 42-member shura had also decided that Azam Tariq would serve as the TTP’s primary spokesperson, rather than Muslim Khan. Under the leadership of Hakimullah, the TTP intensified its suicide campaign against the Pakistani state and against civilian Shia, Ahmedi and Sufi targets.

The TTP differs in structure to the Afghan Taliban in that it lacks a central command and is a looser coalition of various militant groups, united by hostility to the central government in Islamabad. Several analysts describe the TTP’s structure as a loose network of dispersed constituent groups that vary in size and in levels of coordination. The various factions of the TTP tend to be limited to their local areas of influence and often lack the ability to expand their operations beyond that territory.

In its original form, the TTP had Baitullah Mehsud as its amir, and he was followed in the leadership hierarchy by naib amir, or deputy, Hafiz Gul Bahadur and then Faqir Mohammed. The group contained members from all of FATA’s seven tribal agencies as well as several districts of the North-West Frontier Province (NWFP), including Swat, Bannu, Tank, Lakki Marwat, Dera Ismail Khan, Kohistan, Buner, and Malakand. Some 2008 estimates placed the total number of operatives as 30–35,000, although it is difficult to judge the reliability of such estimates.

Hakimullah Mehsud commands about 7000 TTP followers. Other groups operate more or less independently. The pattern of leadership is as follows:

Hakimullah Mehsud – second amir of TTP and former commander in the Khyber, Kurram, and Orakzai agencies – South Waziristan
Omar Khalid – Mohmand Agency
Waliur Rehman Mehsud – South Waziristan
Faqir Mohammed – Bajaur
Wali Muhammad – son of Nek Muhammad appointed head of TTP in Wana.
Maulana Fazlullah, “The Radio Mullah” – Tehreek-e-Nafaz-e-Shariat
Hafiz Gul Bahadur – North Waziristan – Although originally credited as the TTP’s amir in North Waziristan, Gul Bahadur has more recently been described as “pro-Pakistan” and opposed to Hakimullah. He exclusively focuses on NATO forces in Afghanistan.
Maulavi Nazir – South Waziristan (eastern half).

The last two groups are not aligned to the main TTP formations.

Director of National Intelligence and United States Navy Admiral, Dennis C. Blair, told U.S. senators that the Pakistani state and army meanwhile draw clear distinctions among different militant groups. While there are links between the Pakistani and Afghan Taliban, they appear to be sufficiently distinct for the Pakistani military and ISI to treat them very differently. American officials said that the S Wing of the Pakistani ISI provided direct support to three major groups carrying out attacks in Afghanistan: the Afghan Taliban based in Quetta, Pakistan, commanded by Mullah Muhammad Omar; the militant network run by Gulbuddin Hekmatyar; and a different group run by the guerrilla leader Jalaluddin Haqqani, all considered a strategic asset by Pakistan in contrast to the TTP run by Hakimullah Mehsud, which has engaged the Pakistani army in combat.

Besides the main Afghan Taliban and TTP groups, Pakistan has provided strong bases for al Qaeda, despite assassination of Osama bin Laden by the USA near Abbotabad.

Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan has close ties to al Qaeda, sharing money and bomb experts and makers. John Brennan, President Obama’s chief counterterrorism adviser, said: “It’s a group that is closely allied with al-Qaeda. They train together, they plan together, and they plot together. They are almost indistinguishable.” Ambassador-at-large Daniel Benjamin stated, “The T.T.P. and Al Qaeda have a symbiotic relationship: T.T.P. draws ideological guidance from Al Qaeda, while Al Qaeda relies on the T.T.P. for safe haven in the Pashtun areas along the Afghan-Pakistani border… This mutual cooperation gives T.T.P. access to both Al Qaeda’s global terrorist network and the operational experience of its members. Given the proximity of the two groups and the nature of their relationship, T.T.P. is a force multiplier for Al Qaeda.”

Ayesha Siddiqa of the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars describes the TTP as “a franchise of al Qaeda” and attributes strong ties to al-Qaeda’s acquisition of “a more local character over the years.” Since the days of the Soviet era, some al-Qaeda operatives have established themselves in Pashtun areas and enmeshed themselves in the local culture.

In 2008 Baitullah Mehsud met with Ayman al-Zawahiri in South Waziristan. Prior to this meeting the Pakistani Taliban answered to the Afghan Taliban and pro-Pakistan militant commanders. At the time Pakistani authorities believed that Mehsud was in fact an al-Qaeda operative. In February 2009 Baitullah Mehsud, Hafiz Gul Bahadur and Maulavi Nazir released a statement in which they reaffirmed their allegiance to Osama bin Laden.

It is globally recognized that the ISI had especially crafted, reared and nurtured the Lashkar-e-Taiba and Harkat-ul Jiahd Islami for fighting its proxy war against India. The details are too elaborate to accommodate in these short essay. Besides these two the Markaz-ud-Dawa of Sayeed Hafiz Ibrahim is another strategic asset of Pakistan exclusively directed against India. The Jaish-e-Mohammad terrorist outfit is another creation of the ISI. The list is excitingly and boringly long.

The Ghazi Abdul Rashid Shaheed Brigade, whose name is commonly shortened to Ghazi Brigade or Ghazi Force, emerged as a jihadi organization after the Lal Masjid massacre of 2007. In 2009 the Ghazi Brigade worked closely with the TTP during military operations in the Swat Valley, and the two groups jointly planned attacks on western targets in Islamabad.

The TTP and the Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan (IMU) have a long history of collaboration. At one point prior to his appointment as TTP chief, Baitullah Mehsud lived with Tohir Yo’ldosh, the IMU’s former leader, who became an ideological inspiration and offered the services of his 2,500 fighters to Mehsud. In April 2009 Muslim Khan listed the IMU among the TTP’s allies in an interview with AP. The IMU posted a video online in September 2010 that featured footage of Yo’ldosh’s successor, Abu Usman Adil, meeting with Hakimullah Mehsud and Wali-ur Rahman Mehsud.

The Punjabi Taliban is allegedly a loose network of members of banned militant groups based in South Punjab, the southernmost region of Pakistan’s most populous Punjab province. Punjab being the heart of Pakistan, the ISI and Army decline any connectivity with the TTP-Punjab. Major factions of the so-called Punjabi Taliban include operatives of Lashkar-e-Jhangvi, Sipah-e-Sahaba Pakistan and Jaish-e-Muhammad, who have previously been involved in the Kashmir insurgency with India. The TTP has significant recruits from Punjab based sectarian organizations also called Punjabi Taliban. The Punjabi Taliban has also developed strong connections with the Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan, the Afghan Taliban, Tehreek-e-Nafaz-e-Shariat-e-Mohammadi and various other groups based in the North West Frontier Province (NWFP) and the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA). It has increasingly provided the foot-soldiers for violent acts and has played an important role in attacking Ahmedi, Shia, Sufi and other minority civilian targets in the Punjab.

American officials admitted to The New York Times that they found it increasingly difficult to separate the operations of the various Pakistani militant groups active in the tribal areas of Pakistan. Individuals and groups that are believed to have a supportive relationship with the TTP include:

.Harkat-ul Jihad Islami (HuJI), an al-Qaeda-linked terror group
Ilyas Kashmiri
Qari Saifullah Akhtar
.Jaish-e-Mohammad
.Lashkar-e-Islam (based in Khyber Agency, Pakistan)
.Mangal Bagh Afridi
.Lashkar-e-Jhangvi
.Lashkar-e-Taiba
.Sipah-e-Sahaba Pakistan
.Tehreek-e-Nafaz-e-Shariat-e-Mohammadi (based in Swat, Pakistan)

Other Pakistan based jihadist, terrorist groups which operate in Pakistan and also in India are:

Lashkar-e-Omar, Tehrik-e-Jaferia Pakistan, Jamat-ul-Fuqra, Nadeem Commando Popular Front for Armed Revolution, Muslim United Army, Harkat-ul- Mujahideen-al Alami, Karkat-ul-Mujahideen, Lashkar-e-Jabbar, Muttahida Jihad Council, Al Barq, Tehriq-e-Mujahideen, Muslim Janbaz Force, Al Jihad Force, Al Umar Mujahideen, Islami Jamat-e-Taluba, Ikhwan-ul-Mujahideen, Tehrik-e Jihad-e-Islami, Al Mujahid Force, Islami Inquilabi Mahaz etc.

hese organizations are mostly Sunni, except Shia organizations like Tehrik-e-Jafria Pakistan. Most of these are aligned with Lashkar-e-Jhangvi, Jaish-e-Mohammad, Lashkar-e-Taiba, TTP and TTP Pakistan. They target government installations. foreigners and indulge in criminal activities. They are also involved in attacks against minority Hindu, Sikh and Christian groups. With a view to maintain stranglehold on the civilian society the ISI frequently use one or the other armed terrorist groups to cause depredation and spread the ambience of fear and dependence on Army as the deliverer.

Karachi has become a killing field of Pakistan. Ethnic clashes between the Urdu speaking Mohajir groups, Baloch, Pashtun, Afghan, Sindhi groups have become routine affairs. Vast areas of Karachi have been divided into ethnic pockets. The ethnic groups normally clash on issues like territorial control, Bhatta realization (protection money) from business establishments and citizenry and on religious issues as well. Normally the Shia, Ahmadia and Bahaullah etc sects are attacked with impunity.

Besides four distinct MQM armed groups other important groups which operate in Karachi are: Sunni Tehriq, Burmese bandits, Bengali slum bandits, Afghan Kuchi camps, Baloch Liberation groups, Jund Allah, Jaish-al- Qiba-al- Jihadi-al-Siri-al- Alami and Lashkar-e-Jhangvi, Al Sunna etc.

Pakistan often blames India for supporting the Baloch liberation groups, supplying weapons to TTP and other FATA rebels, funding certain Karachi mafia groups and fomenting sectarian trouble by encouraging the Seraiks, Hindcos and Sindhis. These are panicky reaction of the Army establishment. Punjab, the heart of Pakistan is in convulsions. Besides the Seraiki speaking groups, other regions of Punjab have started demanding separate province status. Loss of Punjab monolith will make Pakistan weaker. Baloch independence movement, Balawari (Gilgit-Skardu) independence movement, and demand for separate Pakhtun homeland have been haunting Pakistan. Renaming of NWFP has not quenched the thirst of separate Pakhtun identity. Though Sind is the stronghold of PPP it may be recalled that the Jiye Sindh movement has resurfaced in different forms.

Pakistan had created terrorist Strategic Assets with a view to gain geopolitical stranglehold on Afghanistan and creating a strategic depth in the west of the country that would give it deeper connectivity with central Asian republics, Iran and the Arab worlds. Pakistan still endeavors to emerge as the pivotal point of the Islamic powers of the world. This vain running between dreams to dreams has made Pakistan totally depend on only a single elixir of survival-Hate India. To understand this deeper study of hate-teaching in madrasas, maqtabs is necessary. The maulvi class is used in propagating hatred against Hindus and India. Sometimes ago The Friday Times fortnightly of Pakistan had chronicled the salient features of hate Hindu-India syllabi in Pakistani text books. That itself is a vast subject of study. Indian scholars have not yet ventured into those dark areas of the Pakistani nation and society.

Besides Afghanistan ambition and longing to emerge as the deciding factor in solving the Afghan imbroglio the Strategic Assets are directed against India. Some Tanzeems are directly pitted against India and the other Tanzeems are used to spread hatred amongst the Pak masses against Hindu India.

A tottering, disintegrating Pakistan now braces assault from some of its own strategic assets, from the separatist forces and assorted terrorist groups which have converted Pakistan to a perpetually violent playground of jihad and terror. Its souring relations with the USA, on the other hand has started pushing Pakistan to the lap of China. Sooner or later Pakistan may alternate between being a client state of the USA or China.

India is faced with the paramount problem of strengthening its fences, so that, the snakes, the Strategic Assets, created and nurtured by Pakistan, do not contaminate the Muslims of India and infiltrate in India as a part Pakistan’s game plan of pushing forward the strategic depth to the east.

Permit me to add two personal anecdotes.

In the good year of the Lord 1992, I was posted as SA (special assistant) to the Union Home Minister, supposed to be a plum post for an IPS officer. One day I received a call from a doctor friend from Patna. His son had qualified for the IAS, but had not yet received the offer letter and his course had already started at Mussourie. Could I help? Who could help, if a mighty SA to HM could not? I walked into the room of the Joint Secretary Personnel in the ministry of DOPT (Dept of Personnel& Training). He immediately asked his PA to take me to XXX sitting in a 3rd floor room of the North Block. I was pompously announced in. The baboo seated on a chair, sipping tea and puffing a cigarette was not impressed. He looked up: anything I can do sir? Yes, Mr. Section Officer, please check this name in the IAS list; he has not yet the offer letter. He looked at his watch and said: it is lunch time sir. I’ll call you after lunch. I knew he was playing a game. I offered him lunch at a respected restaurant, bought him a packet of Dunhill. We returned to NB. The well fed baboo made me to sit, lighted a Dunhill and went near a pigeon hole on the wall. He brought a paper out and gravely replied: his police verification is not complete. Don’t worry, I replied. I’ll tell the Secretary Personnel. He ordered two cups of coffee at my cost and most reluctantly commented: okay sir. I’ll issue the order today. The lunch was excellent. My pleasure, I said. He was highly pleased and added: you may collect the letter by hand tomorrow after lunch. I got the hint, offered him another lunch and another packet of Dunhill. The offer letter was in my hand. The boy joined Mussourie after 7 days of beginning of the course. I confronted the JS. Why don’t you punish such officers? He was a cool wise guy. Said, you can smash a particle friend, you can’t push a baboo. He is infinitely finite.

The second lesson was learnt on January 1st, 2009. Around 7 am a mufti clad tall man knocked my door. I opened it and found the man with a bunch of paper in his hand. There is a court warrant against you, he said. Why, for what offence? Well…on such and such date your car violated traffic rule at ZZZ place and at YYY hours. But I did not get any challan. Well, we sent it. Now the court will decide. Who are you? I’m from traffic division of DP. I did not announce my police avatar identity. I tried to call the CP of DP. He prevented me: why take all the trouble? It’s we, who decide such matters. Court is nothing. Pay R 300 and there won’t be any trouble. On the New Year day I threw him out of my home and sent a mail followed by fax to CP DP. After a few days I received written apology. I could get away because of my one of the avavtars and my “connection.”

My neighbor in an east Delhi locality, adjacent to our apartment block, was not so lucky.

Paresh Rajkhowa from a nowhere State called Asom and a strange place called Chapakhowa in upper Asom had landed up in Delhi with the job of a programmer in an IT company in NOIDA. The cheapest place he could rent was in Patparganj urban village in east Delhi. We had no common meeting ground. Very few souls from Asom lived in our neighborhood. I happened to meet Paresh Rajkhowa from Chapakhowa in upper Asom at the morning congregation where we visited every morning to purchase milk pouches and bread. My long acquaintance with the northeast of the country made me curious about the peculiar Mongolian feature of Rajkhowa. Old memories of my Asom, Nagaland and Manipur attachment elbowed my mind to make some space for Rajkhowa. His ahomiya accented Hindi and English prompted some neighbors to ask: Is he from China? Is he a ULFA? Is he a Naga terrorist? Is he a Meiti terrorist? It would have been useless to argue with my neighbors and other dwellers of next-door Patparganj. But I welcomed Paresh Rajkhowa.

The first hurdle for him was his zamindar-a Gujjar house owner who owned the building where Paresh had hired two rooms with a kitchen and a bath. Like me, Paresh was an avid fish lover. He required fish for both the meals. The Gujjar zamindar was adamant. No fish or meat cooking in his precincts. I was like an oasis for Paresh in his vicinity. I could not help him. The Gujjar was as tough as skins of the buffalos he owned. I advised Paresh to turn eggattarian at home and fishatarian out side. He was welcome to share my fish if he so desired. Only a fish lover can understand the pains of another fish lover. Praesh could not afford to leave the place as it was impossible to get a two room tenement in Delhi-even in an urban village for R. 5000.00.

His next brush was with the RRO (regional rationing officer), the mahamahim who was authorized to issue ration cards to people. Normally, facilitators like Mahavir had easy access to good lords like the thanedar, havaldar, beat constables, RRO and committee (MCD, Jal Board, PWD, electricity etc) snouts. Paresh did not know Mahavir. Even after production of his school certificate, residence proof, and a letter from his employer, the Baboo in RRO office was not convinced if a person called Rajkhowa could be from Earth or Mars. Was Chapakhowa in India or China? Paresh approached me. Have you paid the nazrana to the Baboo? What’s that? That is ghoos, bhet, Chai pani, charawa, upri etc. Why are you so uneducated? I mildly rebuked Rajkhowa. You live in India and want to get things done free? Paresh fumbled. How much to offer? I was confused over the rate of graft demanded by the Baboo. I remembered Bajrangbali Mahavir, who could get anything done like a wizard.

Mahavir, the wily Bihari thekedar > zamindar, turned up with his roly-poly rotund body. Any service for me sir? Yes Mahavir can you help Rajkhowa to get his ration card? Mahavir lowered his voice.

Sir, Yah aadmi to chini (Chinese) jaisan dekhat lage. Teroris to nahi hai na? Don’t worry Mahavir, I said, he is not a terrorist. He is not a Chinia; he is an Assamese. Kya bolot sir? Ek daagi Assami (convicted person) kaison hamara basti ma basan lage? Oh Mahavir! I frowned at thekedar Mahavir. He is not an asami. He is an ahomiya, a person from Asom. Have you heard the name of Gwahati? Jaha Gwa (betel nut) bikta hain? Oh no Mahavir, Gwahati is the capital of Asom like Patna is of Bihar. Rajkhowa has a problem, please help him.

I explained the problem with the Baboo in the RRO office. Yeh koi badi kaam na hoi saab. Kara denge. Par…Why hesitate? Tell me. Thora Chai pani ke waste dena parega. Kitna? Sir, pehle to naam darj karana hoga, uske baad berifikeson hoga. Card to uske pichai hot payaega. Baboo ko ek hazar dena parat. What about verification Mahavir?

Sir oi kaam to pulis karat ba. Hum thanedar sahib ko janat. Sasta ma karai dewat. So assured, I advised Rajkhowa that Mahavir was his passport to the Baboodom and police in Delhi. The wonder worked. The ration Baboo completed his formality and sent the paper to Patpargani police station and F&S (food and supply) inspector’s office for verification.

First an officer of the F&S department knocked the door. He head-counted the family, asked about monthly income and expenditure etc. Nupur w/o Rajkhowa entertained the officer with a cup of tea and some salted snacks. After the queries he demanded R. 200.00 for service fee. What service fee. Visiting Rajkhowa’s house by his scooter, wastage of time etc, etc. Paresh had started gathering some wisdom. He paid R. 200.00 to F&S officer.

Next a havaldar visited Paresh’s home for kerekter berefikeason. Havaldar Mitha Singh’s belly walked before his legs. The belt could not contain the bulge. He too was from the ancient entity of Magadha, somewhere near the capital city of Pataliputra (Patna). This meeting was very interesting.

Your name is Paresh Barua? No sir, I’m Paresh Rajkhowa. So, you are a convicted person, as you’re called Asami. Sir, I’m not Asami, I’m Ahomiya. Where is Ahomiya? Sir, people living in the State of Asom are called Ahomiya. Asom hain kahan? Sir, it is a northeastern State of India, look at the map.

Havaldar Mitha was satisfied with the geographical existence of Asom in India. Par, ek baat hai. Tera naam suna suna lagta hain. Tu koi teroris Rajkhowa ka bhai to nahi? Sir, Rajkhowa is a family title, like your title of Singh. Hum Thakur hote hain, Rajput. Sir, Rajkhowa’s are descendants of the Ahom kings of Asom. Kees cheez ka naam Ahom hain? Sir, cheez nahin, Ahoms were a group of people who once ruled Asom. Mitha was not really convinced.

Yeh Barua, Rajakhowa bagerah to ULFA ke neta hain. Kya subut hain tere pas ye sabit karne ke liye ki tum ULFA nahin hain? Sir, I’ve a clean record. I’ve never supported ULFA. My father was a police Havaldar too. Nahi bhai main to risk sisk nahi le sakat. Hum Chapakhowa thana me bhej denge. Woha se berifikeson aneke baad tera kuch kara denge. Chal, mere sath thane me. Chotababu tereko puch tacch karenge. Nupur, Paresh’s wife came running to my place. Sir, please save my husband. Police is taking him to thana.

Mahavir again came to rescue. Sir, aap ek purane pulis wale hain. Kaam lene ke liye thora bahut khana puri to karna hi parta hain. Kuch dila dijiye, sab thik ho jayega. Mahavir, yeh to thik nahi, ek mamuli verification ke liye bhi paisa? Kya kare saab, dastur aisan hi hoi gaila. Paisa dijiya to chakka chalta hain, nahi to pulis or komite wale kuch chalne nahi dewat. Mahavir graciously negotiated with his Bihar compatriot and rescued Paresh Rajkhowa at a nominal cost of R. 500. Within two weeks Paresh Rajkhowa became a proud owner of a ration card.

Our area PDS shop was located in a congested lane in Acharaya Niketan market. The PDS owner was Mahinder Tikait, a Jat from western UP. Paresh was listed as an APL (above poverty line) person. His daily income was over R. 32.00 per day. Mahinder told him: aap chamal nahi le payenge, gehu mil jayega 10 kilo; chini milega dui kilo, par chini out of stok hain. Kerasin milega 5 liter. Par we bhi out of stok hain. Kyon bhai, out of stock kyon hota hain? Kya kare sarkar, upar se aata nahi. Yeh upar kahan hain? Sarkari gudam se milta hain. Supply wale adha kha jate hain. Baki duniya mere upar tut parti hain. Mai kya karun? Jaisa aata hain oisa supply karte hain.

Paresh boastfully said: Hum to shikayat karenge. Mahinder sized up Paresh with a squint look. Where from this creature had descended on him? Is he a Martian? Does he not know the quida kannon, taur-tariqa of Hindustan? Bhai yeh Hindustan hain, aapka China nahin. Ehan shikayat karna mana hain. Jyada bologe to carad cansil ho jayega.

Paresh had become wiser. He approached Mahavir directly. Are asami baboo. Kya chota mota batan lagi latar patar karat? Mahinder dada chor hain. Sare saman belek kar deta hain. PDS to paisa daria me danle ki ek bahana hain. Sarkar chori karne me madad karte hain. Ek kaam karo. Mera naukar Bisu ko le jao. Kerasin ke liye panch rupiya jiyada lega, chini ke liye das rupiya aur chamal ke liya panch rupiya. Tumko sab mil jawat. Bhai mahavir, yeh to chori hain. Aap galat kahat bhaiya. Chori nahi. Yeh to thora bahut lena dena karna hi parat hai na. Nahi to Hindustan ka chakka jam hoi jawat. Paresh learnt his second lesson in a hard way and prepared himself to be a proud inhabitant of Delhi.

I did not have to undergo the hassle of visiting the PDS as I was listed as MAPL (much above poverty line). My housekeeper used to draw ration from the same PDS. One day he reported that living in my address (a 1400 sft) flat, he could not draw ration. I reconciled with the decision of the mahamahim RRO. But Paresh again ran into trouble. Kerosene supply from the PDS suddenly stopped. Mahavir made me wiser: Saab kya karat. Petrol, dizel mahangai hoi gaila. Pump wale kerasin milaike petrol dizel bikat lagan. Yeh buddhu asami baboo ko kahiye gas konekson le le. I advised Paresh accordingly.

He visited the Indane Gas outlet Panchali Gas at Pandav Nagar. The owner Kaloo Yadav also hailed from the Sitamarhi in northern Bihar. Kaloo said: faram lei jao babu, fillup karke makanwala aur nigam parshad ka drkhast lagakar jama kar do aur dui hazar rupiya deposit karwa diwat. Aapka bari aanese hum foon karat denge. Paresh collected the form, attached residence address proof, letter from his employer, copy of the ration card and approached his landlord. The Gujjar had willingly put his LTI. But to get a signature and stamp of the Nigam parshad (municipal councilor) was a tough job. The hallowed representative of the people gave darshan (audience) only between 8 and 10 a.m. Paresh went to his house only to face a massive crowd queued up with their grievances. After queuing for a week Paresh approached me and requested that I should write to the parshad in my letterhead. I explained to Paresh that I had become an extinct haired mammal. Only a serving police officer has fangs to scratch.The parshad won’t care for me. I asked him to approach sankat mochan Mahavir Bajrangbali.

Mahavir again turned up at my place. Sir, aaap mereko sarminda kar rahe hain. Boliye kya sewa kar sakat. I explained that Paresh required a signature and stamp of the parshad for getting a gas cylinder. Sir, har kaam ka tariqa haut. Paresh baboo ko kahiye panch sau rupiya dei dilat, mera Bisu kaam kara lega. Why Mahavir? Sir, baat aison hai ki MP ke pas jau to drkhast ke liye panch hazar lagat, MLA ko jaut to teen hazar. Parsad sahib ka ret kam hain. Itna to denahi parat. Hindustan ka taur-tarike jaisan hai aisan chalna parat.

This is high corruption Mahavir. Mahavir scratched his rotund belly: huzur korupson bolon koi cheez nahin. Ei to riwaz hain. Fuul chrawaat, mannat mangat. Tab hi to kaam puri hawat. I left the matter to Paresh and Mahavir. After about a month Nupur invited me to her home for a cup of tea. She proudly boiled the water in a gas stove. The lightly flavored Assam tea tested very well. I was happy to see strangers from upper Asom’s Chapakhowa were finally settled in our neighboring Patparganj urban village.

I would have been happy if the story ended here. Paresh had purchased a second hand scooter to move about with his family of three for R.5000 from an auto-garage owner at nearby Masjid galli (lane). He commuted to office by Metro Rail. Old is not always gold. The machine worked well but after about six months Nupur and her son knocked my door. Dada, we are in big trouble. What has happened Nupur? Paresh has been taken to the police station and our scooter has also been taken away. Why? Police said Paresh had stolen the scooter from Vikaspuri of Delhi. Vikaspuri in west Delhi was about 35 km away as the crow flies and 45 km if one travels by the snaky Ring Road. It was a puzzle. Why would Paresh go all the way to unknown Vikaspuri to steal a scooter? He did not even know the geography of Delhi.

Bajrangbali Mahavir was not home. I sent Nandu Thapa (a Nepali), a vegetable vendor across the street to go to the police station and find out the initial information. Nandu returned promptly. Gazab bhayo saab. Kya hua Nandu? Saab, thanedar Paresh lai hazat ma rakhe chan. Dui sipai danaddan mardaicha. My goodness. Paresh was put in the lockup and was being assaulted. I asked Nupur to sit in my car and we drove to the police station. The officer in charge did not even look up. He continued directing the sepoys to beat Paresh. He had a confession written in his hand and insisted Paresh to sign it.

Finally I produced my IPS printed visiting card and an ID issued by the MHA. The OC got back to senses, saluted profusely and allowed us to sit. I tried to argue that Paresh was an honest person. He had bought it from Suleman, the auto-garage owner. Nupur produced the papers. Thanedar Rathi took me to a corner: Sir, Yeh insan Chinia jaisa lagta hai. Hame check karna parega ki iske sath Arbind Rajkhowa aur Paresh Barua ki koi rista to nahi. Weh to ULFA leaders hain.

Look Rathi, there are thousands of Rajkhowas and Baruas in Asom. All of them are not terrorists. These are Ahomiya family titles. But sir, Yeh aadmi ke pas to churaya hua maal hai. He is a receiver. I had to put on my police face. Look Rathi, he was not the receiver. Suleman garagewala could be the receiver. Paresh had only purchased from him. Why don’t you pick up Suleman?

Sir, ek problem hain. Suleman ek bada Congressi neta ka ristedar hai. Aap to jante honge, hamare elaka me hi rehte hai. So, a relation of the Congress leader is a saint? Baat aisa nahi hai sir. Aap kahte hai to mai Paresh ko chod deta hu, par scooter to jabd karna parega. Yeh to churaya hua maal hai.

It was a pragmatic suggestion. We agreed that Paresh would be released and no FIR would be registered.

Aap kaise investigataion aage badaenge? I asked Rathi. Wo aap hamare upar chhor dijiya sir. Maal jab mil gaya, chor bhi mil jayega. Dui char ddagi ko thus kar denge andar. Mereko to mamla khatm karna parega.

We brought Paresh home and Nupur nursed him for a few days. He suffered a loss of R. 5000, police beating and humiliation. The beat constable knocked his doors at regular intervals. Fortunately Paresh was not declared Das numbari, but he had learnt the trick of shutting the mouth of law by pushing 5/10 rupee bills. That bought him peace from the sin he committed being a son of Chapakhowa and having a suspicious name like Rajkhowa and a sinister Mongolian appearance.

I decided to follow the matter. One evening I knocked the door of the Congress leader and spokesperson. Arre Dhar sahib, kaise aana hua garibkhane me? Formaiye kya khidmat karun. KKK sahib ek baat kehna tha, manjoor hai to kahe. Bilkul, bilkul koi fikr mat kariye. Hum to janta ka sewak hain. Sun na mera kam hai.

I narrated the story of Suleman, who bandied around the name of the leader and dealt in stolen cars and scooters. Mai kya kar sakta hu? Mai to Masjid me namaj ada karne jata hu. Ohi mil mulaqat ho jata hai. Kabhi kabar Eid ke mauke par mil lete hai. Mazhab ka mamla hai. Mera koi ristedari nahi hai.

To ek kaam kariye. Thnedar Rathi ko kahiye Suleman se puch tach kare. Wo kaise kar sakta hun? Dhar saab mereko aapne mazhab me aapne biradari me rehna hain. Sare mulloh ne mera khal khinch lega, Musalman mera bad dua karega. Akhir me chunao to larna parta hain Dhar sahib. Aap to sab jante hai, sarkar chalaya aapne.

I declined to be fooled by KKK. Agar aap aisa hi chate hain to main TV channel ko bolake ek bayan de doo? Aap to jante hain mai bich bich me TV programme me hissa leta hu. Aur eh bhi keh deta hu ki Suleman aapko hissa deta hain. Aisa mat kariya Dhar saab. Mera khilli ur jayega. Madam bhi gussa krenge. Mataji bigar janese mera kya hoga! Mera ek position hai party me. Sare mamla ujagar mat kariye. Kuch to parda rakhiye. Aapto pension me gujara kar lete hai, par mere ko chunavi paisa ikattha karna parta hai. Khuda ke waste thora madad kariye.

To sir, meherbani karke Rathi ko ek phone lagaiye. Kya kare, aap humko dhamki de rahe hain. KKK reluctantly called the PS and told Rathi that Suleman was not related to him and was misusing his name. I thanked KKK and returned to my apartment.

Rathi acted quickly. Suleman was picked up, interrogated in police-science way and tons of information was vomited by him about a car thief gang in Delhi.

Paresh Rajkhowa visited my home with his wife and child, shared my fish dinner and said painfully.

“Sir is it a sin to be an Ahomiya and having Mongolian look?”

“No Paresh. Unfortunately for you and all of us you come from Outer Indian state called Asom. I can assure you 85% Indians are not aware of the Outer Indian states like Asom, Meghalaya, Nagaland, Manipur, Mizoram and Arunachal. We are yet to be one India.”

“How long such things would continue?”

“Can’t say. We appear to be drifting apart more. Our ethnicity is again dividing us and corruption demon is devouring us. The system does not work anymore. Anyways, as long as I’m here you have no fear. I served and lived in the northeast for a long time. I understand your pains.”

“Can Anna Hazare do something?”

“I don’t think Paresh. Indian corruption is beyond Jan Lokpal and Lokayukt. Nearly 85% of us appear to be infected by the jinn of corruption. Our system has collapsed.”

The author is available at maloy39@gmail.com

I had earlier written an essay: Indian Corruption beyond Anna Hazare (April 12, 2011) not with a view to belittle him, but to highlight that Indian corruption perhaps, runs through genes. In that essay I had presented nearly all available data regarding India’s standing in the committee of nations in corruption rating. I request the readers to browse through that easy in this portal.

We hail Anna Hazare for his moral strength, conviction and dedication to the mission of fighting corruption in various walks of life and governing system of our republic. He is the third Indian leader who has had succeeded in galvanizing the grassroots for building up spontaneous mass movements. M. K. Gandhi had rescued the Congress’ nationalist movement from the elites and provincial leaders and connecting with the vast masses (mostly Hindus). His weapons of satyagrah and fasting were unique to India, though most of his satyagrah movements had taken violent turn, which was beyond his control.

The other national leaders who succeeded in connecting with the people during the independence movements were Subhas Chandra Bose (secular-all segments of people) and Mohammad Ali Jinnah (only Muslims). Subhas had chosen, following Bengal’s tradition of armed struggle against the British, the path of international geopolitical power conflicts to join the enemies of Britain for frontal war against the British empire. He failed because of frequent changes in warfront alliances and fortunes. The Congress and Communists at home also betrayed him by collaborating with the British.

Jinnah’s movement was backed by vast majority of Muslims (a finger-full remaining with Congress) and his collaboration with the British had made him achieve what he wanted for himself: a country to rule; a home for the subcontinental Muslims.

Gandhi, despite his unique sacrifices and moral fads did not succeed in achieving his goal: independence to a united India, in which Indians of all faiths, cultures and languages could live together unitedly. The saint had not realized that India was/is a country where even before and after partition people of various faiths lived together separately. He did not aspire to be the king of India; though, ironically, his mausoleum is called Raj Ghat. But his closest followers like Nehru, Patel, Rajendra Prasad etc aspired to walk into the shoes of the British when they were ready to escape from India. Disillusioned and devastated Gandhi was not in Delhi on August 15th when Nehru made the midnight declaration of tryst of destiny. Over the remains of a British dynasty Nehru established his own dynasty with tacit approval of Gandhi. Gandhi was helplessly sitting, fasting and weeping with hundreds of dead bodies of communal carnages in a slum area of Kolkata.

Gandhiji generally attributed corruption to the centralized governance policy of the British and their protégés in the Princely States. His idea was that with swaraj the people would abandon the slavish habits of surviving by bribing. Nehru, the new king and founder of a new dynastic rule had loudly declared in the parliament that he would hang the corrupt people by the next lamppost. He never found a lamppost; and his dynastic successors had also gone light-blind and did not see any lamppost. Under them, slavish corrupt Indians continued to be corrupt and turned to worst type of corruption, as the political dispensation and the governing systems encouraged corruption and thrived on the juices drawn from the emaciated, hungry and deprived Indians.

I should share two small hitopodesh I received as a child of 12 and a youth of 25. Way back in 1956 I was cycling back home at 5.30 pm from soccer ground. In front of the police station a fat bellied havaldar stopped me with a long baton. He enquired about light in my cycle. There was daylight in the June evening. I had the audacity to say that the Sun was not yet down. He shouted at me and said it was he, who would decide when the Sun would set and rise. He threatened me with a chalan if I did not pay Rs. 2.00. I did not. Got a chalan and had to appear in a court to pay Rs. 5.00 as fine.

On my 25th year I joined the All India services. Following mother’s wish I visited my eldest aunt to get her blessings. She was surprised to see me with a box of sweet. She asked: what service was it? Could be Audit & Accounts or police, I replied. So you have become a Daroga? No aunt, little bigger. Do you have upri income? Probably not. The lady was highly annoyed and said: You are not a Daroga and don’t have Upri. What bloody job is that? Job without Upri income is just majdoori. She flattened my ego. I did not like the comment. Now I realize what the wise lady had said when I opted for police with the foolish intention of reforming it.

As ASP in Naxalbari in 1965, I received a complaint that my Additional SP had purchased gold worth 20,000 from Nepal through a subinspector. But did not pay. Later as SDPO Kalimpong I received complaint that the Additional had given a lavish party to Dilip Kumar, Saira Bano etc in a hotel costing Rs. 12,000. The Officer in Charge had to pay. I dared him by taking the complaint to the SP, an honest gentleman. He forced the Additional to pay up. I was threatened by the Additional that he would spoil my ACR. He could not write one.

When in IB and posted in the northeast I noticed a colleague was forging letters purportedly written by A. Z. Phizo from London and taking Rs. 5000.00 per letter. After some research I discovered that my colleague was forging the documents borrowing known information and data. Boss was made wiser and my colleague was posted out.

These are few instances of Indian corruption. But I must acquaint you with the experiences of some of my friends living in rural India, urban slums and urban middle class societies, if you have the patience of reading real-life thrillers.

Friend Munnalal lived in village Kanakhali in eastern Bihar. He owned two bighas of land, two cows, two buffalo, had a wife and three kids. In off season he made baskets with split bamboos and sold in the market. In 2008 flood he lost two cows and his home. Flood sand had covered his land and he did not have the money to rebuild his shack and remove the sands from his field. Munna approached the gramsabha. The pradhan had received some fund for relief works in his village. After several visits, the pradhan offered Rs. 30.00 to Munna and took a thumb impression on a receipt of Rs. 300.00. The money was well spent for daily needs that lasted for a few days.

Munna was advised to approach the Panchyat Pradhan to help him with a certificate that he had lost his cattle, home and land in the flood. The PP demanded bhet (graft) of Rs. 50.00. Munna sold the nathni (nose ring) of his wife and borrowed Rs 30.00 from the sahukar (loan shark) and paid the PP. After obtaining the certificate Munna visited the BDO’s (Block Development Officer) office and after paying Rs. 5.00 bhet to the chaprasi reached the BDO after seven days. Mahamahim (His greatness) BDO examined the documents and jotted down on a paper that Munna could get Rs. 5000.00 from Rajiv Gandhi Gramin Griha Nirman Yojana (rural house building scheme), but his name was in the waitlist. He should come after three months. As he emerged out of the office the chaprasi caught him. He advised that grant could not be availed without spending some bhet. To whom? Simple arithmetic, the Chaprasi declared. The bhet should be offered at several levels. Rs. 1000.00 for him, Rs. 1000.00 for the baboo and Rs. 1000.00 for the sahib. You agree to pay and I would get your grant in three days. Munna calculated in his fingers and concluded that he would be left with only Rs. 2000.00. How could he build a shack with that amount? Out of Rs. 2000.00 he would have to pay Rs. 30 + 20 as interest to the Sahuhar. He would have to pay Rs. 200.00 to an affluent neighbor with whom he had pawned his buffalos. He would have to bear the expenses of visiting the nearby dispensary at a distance of 5 km to get some medicine for his daughter suffering from malaria. That would cost him nearly Rs. 300.00. He would be left with only Rs. 1000.00 for rebuilding his home. Munna decided to avail of the grant, live under plastic sheets and decided to spend at least Rs. 150.00 to remove the sand cover from his field. There ended the story of Rajiv Gandhi Gramin Griha Nirman Yojana.
Munna retrieved his land after two months hard labor. In late June he decided to plant paddy. He borrowed Rs. 300.00 from the mahajan @ 50% annual interest. Munna hoped with a good harvest he could pay back the loan and have enough grain for the family. He purchased seeds and some fertilizer with the borrowed money and irrigated the land by drawing water from a well. That year monsoon failed in Kanakhali and surrounding areas. Feet long paddy plants did not survive despite irrigating through well water. The well also nearly dried up in late August. The earth cracked, the plants wilted and Munna was back to where he was, burdened with extra loans. The mahajan of Kanakhali, Ravidas impounded the land of Munna for failing to pay back the loan amount and the interest. Thus, Munna had no roof on his head, his buffalos were gone and his land was impounded by mahajan Ravidas. He was on the streets with his wife and three kids. He pitched a tent under a mango tree outside the village.

Some neighbor advised him and his wife Kamla to visit the school ground of next village Sitapur to hear the big minister from Delhi visiting their area in a flying bird (helicopter). Few thousand villagers had assembled near the school ground of Sitapur Raja Vikarm Singh Higher Secondary School. Helicopter seemed like a heavenly bird to the villagers. As the rotor blades churned air with sounds the villagers looked up. From a tiny dot it gradually materialized to a flying machine bird and landed in a specially prepared helipad, which was surrounded by a posse of armed policemen. Over one thousand policemen were deployed in and around the ground. The big minister from Delhi stepped out from the chopper. With a well starched pajama and a white kurta and a heedful of pepper-salt long hairs he looked like a film star from Mumbai. He was escorted to the podium by local MP Sangram Singh, the district collector, SP and a minister in the state government, Jagvilas Paswan.

The minister from Delhi looked around and was nauseated by the dark mass of crowd clothed in some bare cloths and most having no upper apparel on their bodies. They were stinking. His nausea was partly removed when a group of nicely dressed school girls performed a dance and sang a few eulogia songs. Sangram Singh and Jagvilas Paswan announced on the microphone: Dearest villagers. Our honorable minister has come all the way from Delhi to remove your poverty. Now onwards you will not have any problem with your two square meals, roof on your heads, drinking water, irrigation water, medical care and schools. You will have enough clothes for your women. Wait, the minister has some special declarations to make.

The honorable minister Sanchar Nigam started with a eulogistic speech praising Mahatma Gandhi, Pandit Nehru, Indira Gandhi, Rajiv Gandhi, Sonia Gandhi, Rahul Gandhi and said that the legacy of Gandhi-Nehru-Gandhi was the most valuable contribution of Gandhiji. He had driven out the British Raj and had handed over India to Nehru-Gandhi Raj. From 1920 onwards the Gandhi forces fought the British and the Gandhi family was still committed to fight for the improvement of the poorest of the poor in the country. He elaborated on several Yojanas (schemes) adopted for the rural poor by the Gandhi Raj; named after Indira Gandhi, Rajiv Gandhi, and other Gandis of the Gandhi Royal family. NREGA, Sampoorn Gramin Rozgar Yojana, National Food for Work Yojana, Swarna Jayanti Gram Rozgar Yojana, National Service and Assistance Programme, Diksha, PURA, Bharat Nirman, Pradhan Mantri Gram Sadak Yojana, Rural Housing, Rural Water Supply Programme, Central Rural sanitation Scheme, Indira Awas Yojana and Priyanka Priyadarshini Balika Yojana etc. He asked the villagers to wait for Sonia Kanya Vivah Yojana. Sonia Ammaji will grant Rs. 10,000 for each daughter’s marriage. Rahul Siksha Yojana will provide free schooling in all villages. Nehru Swayatha Rakhsha Yojana would give free medical care to each villager. All these Yojanas were being implemented to lift up the rural people to the level of people living in Delhi, Hilli and other big cities. Garibi (poverty) would vanish in the air. People would be able to bathe in milk and eat cakes, sausages and pizzas. Children would go to school; girls would be married out at government cost. Gandhi Raj would usher in Swarg Raj.

The minister’s speech pumped in some fresh hope in Munna and Kamla’s minds. On advice from some neighbors they went to the BDO office, stood on queue for 5 hours and enrolled in the NREGA scheme, which ensured 100 days work in a year. Kamla opted to join the Sampoorn Gramin Rozgar Yojana. Munna was directed to meet the field officer who supervised NREGA in his area. Vishal Yadav, the supervisor, noted down the details of Munna, checked his muster roll and shouted back. Munna was a cheat. He was already enrolled as a NREGA beneficiary and was drawing Rs. 300.00 per month for last one year. It was news to Munna. Yadav showed him the list and left thumb impression as proof. Munna, he said, would be handed over to police for cheating the government. Munna was illiterate and he was not aware of uniqueness of finger prints of different people. Mere threat of calling the police sent Munna urinating in his tattered dhoti.

“Hujur mai baap,” Munna begged, “Sher ko bolana cahte hai to bola lijiye. Police mat bulaiye. Galti muaf ho sarkar” (You are my father and mother. If you want to call a tiger, please do. Don’t call the police. Pardon my mistake.)

Munna was not aware that Yadav and his higher formations had employed 5000 villagers from the constituency of Thakur Sangram Singh. For five thousand people Sangram managed to get Rs. 15 lakhs per year. Out of those only 500 supporters of Sangram and few lackeys of the district and block officials were paid for 100 days in a year. Rest of the master roll was faked and the allotted amount was divided amongst Sangram, the officials and local self government representatives.

“Fine. I can give you a job in Swarn Jayanti Gramin Rozgar Yojana.” Yadav offered him another hope. He explained that Munna would have to work for three months in a year in road construction and canal digging works. He would be paid Rs. 1,500 for the job. Out of that he would have to pay 1000 to him, panchayet pradhan, sahkari samiti (cooperative body) as their share. He could take rest 500. Yadav explained that if he worked one full year he could earn Rs. 2000. Rest Rs. 4000 he would have to pay as taxes to the providers. He simplified the matter by explaining that to please the gods people offered flowers, sweets and other costly items. Like gods these money suppliers were very important. It was a give and take situation as it was prescribed in Hindu dharma. Munna was convinced and enrolled as a privileged worker in the SJGRY, locally pronounced Segi Rai.

Kamla had a different experience with the Sampoorn Gramin Rozgar Yojana (SGRY), locally pronounced swargy (divine). Panchayet pradhan Budhan Kewat was surrounded by a group of women seeking SGRY employment. Budhan explained that they would have to work in some local spinning mills, dyeing the threads and handing the same back to the spinning mill manager. They would work all seven days a week and would be paid Rs. 300 per week. Monthly income would be Rs. 1200. Out of that 700 hundred would have to be returned back to the pradhan as work guarantee money. Once they left the job they would be given back the guarantee money. If they were ready they should put thumb impression on a paper against their names. Kamla, like other women in the group, signed up. Both Munna and Kamla expected to earn a neat income of Rs. 8000 to 10000 in a year. That would cover up the cost of atta, some lentil, salt, chili and onion. They could also invest some money to maintain a buffalo. Once the kids grew up to eight years or so they could also be pressed into the services of affluent villagers. Sitting under the shade of their plastic tent Munna and Kamla calculated that in another few years they could pay back the mahajan and get their land back, cultivate and grow some grains. He could purchase a dhoti and a sari for Kamla from the local haat (market) in another six months. It should be possible to purchase a frock for the daughter and two knickers for sons, who roamed about with makeshift langotis.

Munna’s problem was compounded when one evening Kamla did not return home from the spinning mill. Munna visited Budhan Kewat and enquired of his wife’s whereabouts.

“Have I taken contract for your wife? Look at my attendance register. She came in the morning and left at about four. I’m not a cowherd to run after cows like Kamla.” Budhan rebuffed Munna and threw him out.

Kamla had another tryst with destiny. About 30 years old Kamla was known in Kanakhali area as a beautiful lady. In happier days she used to wear a choli and blouse and cotton saris. Her oiled and groomed hairs were shining. Her youth was attractive. Even in these days of drudgery and poverty she had not lost her luster. Budhan had allured Kamla to the residence of the mill manager and advised her to do some domestic work if she wanted to retain her job. That night manager Chotelal Kurmi ravished Kamla and left her only in the morning. Worried Munna and the children had spent the night under the mango tree. Kamla did not share with her husband that she was raped by manager Chotelal. She silently prepared some roti and locally collected green leaves with salt and chili. The kids went to sleep.

Kamla shared the tragedy of being raped. She told Munna that earning a living in the village was impossible for poor people like them. Flood and drought were their constant companions. The Yojanas were meant for sahibs, baboos and pradhans. They should better go to the sahar (town) for earning some living. Munna had no idea about a sahar. Kolkata and Patna were big cities. But what would they do there?

“Look at Mahavir. He was like us in Kanakhali. He went to Delhi. Now he is a rich man. He is constructing a brick house in the village. His kids in Delhi go to school.”

“Should we ask him?” Munna was yet undecided.

Kamla pushed him. Mahavir was in the village. He advised them to come to Delhi. He would arrange some jobs for them and a jhuggi to stay with monthly rental of Rs. 300. One fine morning Munna, Kamla and the children went to nearby station Sitapur and boarded a train for Delhi with only Rs 100.00 in their kitty.

Mahavir rented one of the 500 jhuggis to Munna, set up by him on government land in an east Delhi locality. Mahavir had to pay Rs. 600.00 to MCD officials, Rs. 400.00 to electric company and Rs. 400.00 to Jal Board supervisor for maintaining his jhuggi cluster. In addition he charged Rs. 20.00 per family for the Sulabh Sauchalaya facility set up in the cluster. In fact, Mahavir was a landlord, who purchased all services from government officials to run his empire. However, he could not provide an instant job for Munna. Again Mahavir came to his rescue. He offered a rickshaw pulling job to Munna. He was required to take out a cycle rickshaw out of 300 owned by Mahavir, all parked overnight on PWD roadside. For the parking space he had to pay Rs. 500.00 to the havaldar of the area and Rs. 500.00 to the PWD supervisor. At the end of the day Munna had to deposit the rickshaw and pay Rs. 40.00 in cash to Mahavir. Hardworking Munna earned about 200.00 per day.

Kamla started with cleaning and washing job in nearby apartment blocks. For three hours she charged Rs. 400.00. Her monthly income was about Rs. 1,500.00. Gradually Munna and Kamla dreamt of sending their kids in a local primary school. The Headmaster interviewed Munna, Kamla and the children. He demanded Rs. 2000.00 for admitting the three kids. After acute bargaining they settled on Rs. 1000.00. Munna and Kamla paid up and purchased the dress and school bags after cutting corners and reducing some kitchen items.

That was not the end of Munna’s tryst with the law and procedure enforcers. One evening a police constable cornered Munna and asked him for identity card. What was that? Prove that you are not Bangladeshi. How to do that? Do you have a ration card? Do you have a voter ID card? Do you have a MCD token number for plying a rickshaw? Huzoor mai baap, how does one get all that? The constable forced out a gratis of Rs. 20.00 and asked Munna to approach Mahavir.

Mahavir scratched his head and said that all these documents could be obtained in seven days. But Munna would have to spend Rs. 500.00 for the ration baboo, Rs. 200.00 for the PDS owner, Rs. 200.00 for MCD token and Rs. 400.00 for the voter ID card. By spending Rs. 1300.00 Munna could prove his legal existence as an Indian. Mahavir was sympathetic to his village pal. He agreed to realize the amount in three installments. An employee of Mahavir took Munna and Kamla to different offices and spent some money on ‘chai-pani’ of the baboos and finally they became proud possessors of identity proof and the right to draw ration from the PDS and plying a rickshaw. Munna’s neighbor was Abdul Naskar, a Bangladeshi national. Mahavir had performed the same trick in his case too. Naskar was turned to a proud Indian citizen.

After about eight months a Congress leader accompanied by the municipal councilor and local leaders was ushered in by a huge gathering organized by Mahavir. He directed all the jhuggi dwellers to enroll as his party members and vote for him in the next election. He promised to construct drainage system, brick paved lanes and Jal Board drinking water pipe to the jhuggi cluster. On his direction an employee of the municipality affixed identity plates before every jhuggi and promised them 70 sft lands in a new development area for construction of their own homes. The municipality issued token cards to each jhuggi dweller. That would be the basis for claiming land in the new location, when offered.

Mahavir acted very fast. He collected all the tokens from jhuggi dwellers like Munna for safe custody and liaising with DDA baboos. Surreptitiously he contacted a builder, Bharat Sundar and sold the tokens to him. His formula was simple. He would take from the builders Rs. 2. 5 lakh for each plot and the jhuggi dwellers would be given only Rs. 5000.00 as compensation. They were advised to visit the DDA office to enroll for the promised plots. The DDA baboo demanded Rs. 500.00 from each jhuggi dweller for registering their names. He pumped in some hope that they would soon be eligible for land allotment.

The election fever also inspired Munna to mobilize voters for the Congress leader. He won with a comfortable majority with support of about 30,000 jhuggi dwellers, 50,000 Bangladeshis and etc votes. After a few weeks of celebration, a DDA official visited the jhuggi clusters and announced that the unauthorized juggis would be demolished in four weeks time. The dwellers, having valid token and names registered with the DDA would be allotted land at Zundli phase III. Mahavir also delivered a lecture that he would invite top leaders to prevent demolition. He even arranged a rally headed by a retired union minister who declared that the demolishing forces would have to walk over his body. Finally, DDA demolition bulldozers started demolishing the jhuggis and the residents were thrown out. Mahavir turned out with a crowd, but they were driven away by armed Rapid Action Force personnel.

Someone, from an opposition party, gathered the dislodged Jhuggi dwellers and organized a demonstration before the Deputy Director of the DDA. He heard a delegation of the uprooted jhuggi dwellers and finally disclosed that these unauthorized land grabbers were not entitled to have land at Zundli phase III. These cheats had already sold their jhuggis and lands to a builder called Bharat Sundar.

They all turned to Mahavir. He expressed helplessness. The jhuggi dwellers had sold their tokens to Bharat Sundar for consideration money of 70,000 per jhuggi. However, he was not a cruel person. He paid Rs. 5000.00 in cash to each of the former jhuggi dwellers.

Bharat Sundar paid Rs. 20 lakhs to DDA, Rs. 20 lakhs to MCD and Rs. 10 lakh to police and floated Indira Gandhi Awas Yojana at Zondli phase III. He constructed 400 apartments on the land earmarked for allotment to the jhuggi dwellers and sold each flat for Rs. 45 lakhs.

Mahavir constructed another three storied 30 roomed building at Rajiv Gandhi Nagar and rented out each room for Rs. 3000.00 per month.

Munna again turned to Mahavir:

Mahabir bhaiya, where should we go?

Don’t worry Munna. I am here to protect people like you. I have constructed 300 new jhuggis on the Jamuna flood-basin land. Out of Rs. 5000.00 I paid you, you pay me only 2000.00. It is a special consideration, because we are from the same village. For others I’ll charge Rs. 4000.00.

How is that place?

Fine, open space, Jamuna water near you. And in spare time you can grow vegetables and sell in the market.
Munna had changed. He understood the entire charade of Mahavir. Only relief was that in the village the mahajan exploited him and the mill owner raped his wife. City brought a big change in him. The debauchery of the system was unfolded to him after he was cheated several times.

On a day in mid August Munna and few others like him picked up small national flags and went to Ramlila ground to offer satyagrah on the call of Anna Hazare. Finally he realized what corruption meant.

He had an opportunity to ask Anna: Anna Bapu Lokpal se corruption khatm ho jayega?

Ummid rakho aur larte raho. Mashal jal utha, abhi nahi nivega. Main to tumhe larne sikhna chahta hu. Ees andherako hatao. Roshni ekdin aayegi.

Mahavir visited the Jamuna jhuggi clusters with a gang of five.

Hai Munna tu neta ban gaya?

Nahi bhaiya. Main khetihar majdoor se rikshawala ban gaya, aur larne sikha. Hamare iha mat aao. Lathi hamare ghar me bhi hai.

Mahavir retreated.

What would happen to him if people like Munna start shouting against corruption with a national flag in hand? He called on the Congress MP.

Mahavir, forget these rats, said the MP. They will shout for a few days, but we will continue to rule. This royal family cannot be displaced by a donkey called Anna. I have decided to give you a ticket in the next municipal election. Start campaigning now. Election is our strength. Right from municipal council to sansad we will have our royal sovereignty on the nation. Why worry? People like Anna and Munna can be tackled by police, income tax, enforcement directorate, criminal cases, slander campaign and communal riots. If Munna and others trouble much pay the Bangladeshis to start communal riot. We will send police to evict people like Munna and flood the Jamuna flood basin by releasing extra water from Haryana. You can get some banya tran (flood relief) tents constructed on the road bunds with Delhi government help, and earn gratitude of the flood affected people. Yeh sale, humse banchke jayega kaha?
Mahavir was reassured. The royal family was there to protect him. He took out a procession near the residence of the royal family and shouted slogans wishing: jug jug jiyo maharani.

To elaborate, Pakistan is the main target of geopolitical satellite fabrication by China in India’s neighborhood. Chinese collaboration in completing the Gwadar Port in southern Balochistan is well known. Though completed, the port is sparsely used for commercial purposes as the security situation in Balochistan is fragile. In Balochistan the Chinese are also present in developing the Saindak copper-gold mine. China is not keen on operating in Baloch area as some of their workers were kidnapped by Baloch rebels.

Pakistan has given contract to China to establish mobile phone network in FATA area. Pakistan has proposal to give similar contract to Chinese companies for Waziristan and Northern Areas (POK). Pakistan is wooing China to agree to join the proposed Iran-Pakistan-Xinxiang gas pipeline. Earlier India was supposed to be a partner in the venture. Prohibitive cost and security problems made India to back out from the proposed gas pipeline. China has not yet agreed to the Pakistani proposal.

The Karakoram highway was built by China and Pakistan connecting both the countries. The deployment of Chinese troops in this region even though for the ostensible purposes of infrastructural improvements of the ‘Karakoram Corridor’ heralds a new phase of China flexing its muscles not only against India but more significantly against United States in the wider global context. According to Dr. Subhash Kapila, “Ominously, China’s up gradation of the Karakoram Corridor on Pakistan’s behalf enables China’s strategic outreach to the North Arabian Sea and the Gulf. Building oil and gas pipelines through this Corridor significantly improve China’s military postures in Western Tibet and Xingjian both against India and countering the NATO’s Eastward creep towards China’s peripheries. Notwithstanding that, the Karakoram Corridor initially passes through disputed territory, China has gone ahead with this major project as the major portion traversing Pakistan gives a strategic advantage to China in not only in outflanking US embedment in Afghanistan but also places a strong ‘strategic pressure point’ in China’s hand against the United States when coupled with Chinese naval presence at Gwadar Port in proximity of the Hormuz Straits.”

Recently President Asif Ali Zardari pleaded with China in August 2010 about Chinese help in developing hydro, thermal and solar energy in Pakistan, especially in the Gilgit-Skardu-Baltistan areas. Signing of MOU for construction of dam at Bunji in the Astore district of Northern Area with Pakistani ministry of water & power and China’s Three Gorges Project Corporation has not been taken kindly by India. This is one of the 8 projects that would produce 7000 mw electricity; part of which would be exported to China.

Tensions between India and China stepped up in October 2010 after reports that thousands of Chinese troops were in the Gilgit-Baltistan area of Pakistan-controlled Kashmir near the border with China. The controversy was sparked by an inflammatory article by Selig Harrison in the New York Times on August 26 declaring that Islamabad was “handing over de facto control” of the strategic region to China by allowing the entry of between 7,000 and 11,000 Chinese soldiers. His article was based on “foreign intelligence sources, Pakistani journalists and Pakistani human rights workers”.
Harrison acknowledged that many of the “troops” were involved in construction work on road and rail links between China and Pakistan. He suspected that 22 tunnels could be used by China and Pakistan for storing missiles. Commenting on the land routes from China via Gilgit-Baltistan to Chinese-built ports in southern Pakistan, Harrison declared: “Coupled with its support for the Taliban, Islamabad’s collusion in facilitating Chinese access to the [Persian] Gulf makes clear that Pakistan is not a US ‘ally’.”

While Pakistani Establishment and media denounced Harrison’s comments and claimed that the Chinese troops were present for repair work of the Karakoram highway and China-Pakistan rail link, the Indian reaction was sharp. In response to the New York Times article, Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh briefed various Indian newspapers on the dangers of China’s alleged military presence in Gilgit-Baltistan. As reported in the Times of India on September 7, Singh declared: “China would like to have a foothold in South Asia and we have to reflect on this reality.” He went on to warn of a “new assertiveness among the Chinese”. Singh said China could use India’s “soft underbelly” of Kashmir “to keep India in low-level equilibrium”.

On September 13, India’s defense minister A.K. Antony told a military conference that “we cannot afford to drop our guard” in relation to China. “We want to develop friendly relations with China … However; we cannot lose sight of the fact that China has been improving its military and physical infrastructure. In fact, there has been an increasing assertiveness on the part of China,” he said.

A protagonist of “Balawaristan” (independent Northern Area and POK) now in exile, shared with the author that besides working in Bunji dam project Pakistan has invited Chinese experts to teach Pakistanis in river fish cultivation and development of inland fishery industry. Including Karakoram Highway and the railway project there are about 20, 000 Chinese uniformed men in Gilgit-Baltistan area, in addition to huge Pakistani army and Northern Light Infantry and ISI operative presence. Despite inauguration of a facade of self-rule structure combined Chinese and Pakistani presence and planned induction of Sunni Punjabi and tribal Muslims in the area have created conditions of insecurity amongst the “Balawaris.”

Chinese presence in the Northern Area and shifting stand of China on Kashmir has added new breather to the separatists inspired and instigated by Pakistan. China now has sided with Pakistan and accepts Kashmir as a disputed territory and not as an integral part of India. It issues stapled visa to the Kashmiris and even declined to issue visa to a senior army officer because of his alleged posting in Kashmir. China invited Mirwaiz Farooq to China for discussion on the Kashmir issue. Gradually China is trying to emerge as the third party in the Kashmir tangle between India and Pakistan. Why not? Pakistan had transferred a huge part of Indian Kashmir to China back in 1966. Obviously Aksai Chin issue is there. So, how can India exclude China from any future talk?

Militarily India has slowly reacted to Chinese belligerence. It has increased troops, air force and missile capability in Arunachal Pradesh and Assam. New air landing facilities are being developed in Ladakh and border roads from Arunachal to Kashmir are being developed. It is expected that the pace of construction would be hastened up. The question of counter-military response in Kashmir-Ladakh region is being actively considered. Besides India the USA has a big stake in gradual but steady Chinese built up in Pakistan. Even if the USA and the NATO gradually withdraw from Afghanistan in 2014/15 Pakistan is not likely to cut its umbilical connection with Afghan Taliban and al Qaeda. Unless the state of Pakistan is overtaken by internal insurgent forces in the name of Islam the Army, Establishment and the ISI are not likely to abandon their ambidextrous policies and keep vast spaces open in Afghanistan open to be filled up by its friendly forces and the USA to be replaced by China. America would cease to be a regional power in this smoldering Islamist triangle and its strategic presence would be replaced by China. Strategic planners in Pakistan are actively weighing these probabilities. What should the USA and India do in these circumstances?

It is understood that the Indian strategists and military experts have taken into account the security ambiance arising out of Pak-China entente in the region. No doubt clouds the perception of Indian strategists that Sino-Pak liaison is not merely development oriented. It has definite military orientation aimed at the high priority target-India. Pakistan’s India-centric policy craves for upgraded Chinese collaboration, in the background of the facts that USA and other powers are not provide Pakistan with most sophisticated weaponry systems, aircrafts and other sinuses of warfare.

The Indian media occasionally hype the Sino-Pak collaboration without focusing on darker aspects of understanding that in the event of Indo-Pak war China is definitely going to join shoulders and confront India over the unresolved border disputes. Better media coverage and satellite and electronic intelligence gathering are, therefore, of cardinal importance.

India has not been paying adequate attention to increasing Chinese incursions in Nepal, Myanmar and Sri Lanka and strengthening its footholds on Nepal, Bangladesh, Maldives and the Seychelles Islands in the Indian Ocean zone. These aspects require diplomatic, military and strategic study keeping in view India’s long term interest in South and South East Asia and the Indian Ocean zone.

China has made deep inroads in Myammar. A China-South Korea consortium is on the verge of constructing a mega energy deal in Myanmar. The energy mega-deal actually involves several separate projects: offshore gas development, a deep-sea port, gas and oil terminals, roads, and other infrastructure. The pipelines, however, are the vital element. Operated by the state-owned Chinese National Petroleum Corporation (CNPC), in collaboration with the Myanmar Oil and Gas Enterprise (MOGE), the oil pipeline will enable China’s crude shipments from the Middle East to circumvent the vulnerable Strait of Malacca, a narrow shipping chokepoint controlled by the U.S. It will also conveniently avoid the South China Sea, where China and its neighbor Vietnam are feuding over oil-rich territories claimed by both countries. The gas line will likewise follow the same overland route as the oil pipeline, under the control of CNPC and South Korea’s Daweoo International, together with the Gas Authority of India, Korea Gas Corporation and ONGC Videsh (India). All told, more than $10 billion in new oil and gas investments poured into Burma last year alone, according to the country’s official figures.

South Korea is involved in pumping weapons to Myanmar. From 2002-2006, executives from Daewoo International and other companies sold military equipment as well as blueprints for weapons technology to Burma in violation of Korean trade law, which restricts the export of strategic materials to countries deemed a potential obstruction “to world peace and regional security.” In 2004, the law was amended to label Burma a “limited export area.” Senior Daewoo executives and their associates code-named their weapons supply scheme the “Axle Project” because they considered it the key lever to keep the gas wheel turning with Burma’s notorious difficult military leaders, according to prosecutors in the case.

Fourteen Korean executives, including six from Daewoo, were ultimately convicted in trial court, appellate court, and then again at the Supreme Court on charges of conspiracy and failure to obtain government approval for exporting strategic materials. The prosecution argued that the company used various ploys to obscure the initiative: The Burmese Directorate of Defense Industries was code-named the “landlord’s house”; a weapons factory constructed by the group in Burma was the “rice bowl”; and financial exchanges between the parties were conducted through personal bank accounts.
Daewoo’s Executive Director Lee Tae-yong was alleged to have personally overseen the export of 480 different types of military equipment worth hundreds of millions of dollars.

One 55-year old employee of the Korean government-affiliated Agency for Defense Development was charged with stealing more than 850 pages of blueprints for weapons technologies, and providing them for use in Axle. A Daewoo-led secret team also quietly trained Burmese officials in weapons manufacturing in Burma and Korea, court documents show. The ultimate goal of the Axle Project was to help the military junta construct a fully functioning weapons factory in central Burma, according to facts recognized by the trial court. The now complete factory was designed to produce tens of thousands of six different artillery shells annually, including 120mm artillery shells and 105mm howitzer high-explosive shells. “The 120mm mortar is the standard heavy mortar shell that the Burma army has used for years in attacking the resistance and villagers,” wrote David Eubank, director of the Free Burma Rangers in an email to CorpWatch. Eubank is a former U.S. Army Ranger and Special Forces officer. “The 105 is also used against some ethnic groups,” Eubank added.

According to Inhong Kim, a member of the Korea University international human rights clinic, sentences for the 14 executives varied from suspended jail time to fines. Daewoo’s Executive Director Lee Tae-yong was fined just $54,550. In an email response to CorpWatch dated June 28, Daewoo noted that “only certain individual employees of the Company were sentenced to punishment…for violation of Korea laws” and that “the violation of the individuals was irrelevant to the Company.”

China, building on its warm relations with Myanmar, has become the Southwest Asia country’s largest foreign investor, a report said Monday. The Myanmar-language Weekly Eleven says that China poured more than $3 billion into Myanmar from November last year through January this year. The increased investment has brought China’s cumulative investment in Myanmar since 1988 to $9.6 billion, as compared to Thailand’s $9.56 billion, the Weekly Eleven said. The news report, citing an unnamed official from the Union of Myanmar Chamber of Commerce and Industry, said China’s major new investments were in hydropower, natural gas and infrastructure projects to lay a solid foundation for an economic take-off in one of the least developed ASEAN countries. There have been no major new Western investments in recent years in Myanmar because of tough economic sanctions imposed by the United States, reports said.

On May 1st 2007, exactly a year before the cyclone Nargis first struck, the Myanmar’s Ministry of Electric Power and China Power Investment Cooperation (CPI) held an inaugural ceremony for the construction of a dam: according to the project a 152-meter dam generating 3.600 MW, most of which intended for China thus bringing in annual earnings of about 500 million dollars. This was just one of a series of dams projected by the junta with the aim of producing hydroelectric energy to sell at a low cost to neighboring countries. More specifically, the sum total of seven dams was planned along the Irrawaddy and all of them Chinese. The ever increasing demand for electric power in the cities of eastern China drives the Red Dragon Country to adopt a policy of “transmission of power from West to East” and in this sense investments in the hydroelectric sector in Burma represents one aspect of the close economic and political collaboration between the two nations.

It’s interesting to point out that, even with the other dams, the energy produced is in any case reserved for exportation or the military and just a minimal part for the local population, who are quite happily left in the dark when the need arises.

21st May of the same year, many residents of the area concerned about the consequences of the construction of the dam (which by the way is 100km from the Sagaing fault, a high seismic risk area) sent protest letters directly to general Than Shwe asking to stop the project. Of course they never received any answer.

Just a few months later, in October, a few activists revealed that tens of thousands of people were being threatened with eviction. In fact, in a detailed report of Kachin Development Networking Group (KDNG) we read that at least 47 villages have been eliminated, that the dam has also had a heavy impact on the environment, on communications, on transportation and on means of subsistence, and furthermore, that there has been an increase in abuse, violations of human rights, rape and sexual violence committed by the military. And that’s not all: the activists anticipated that even the population downstream, the over 3 million inhabitants of the delta area, would have had huge problems and that the area would no longer be “Burma’s rice bowl”.

It is practically the same scenario which we were faced with after the Nargis swept through and which seemed only to have accidentally opened and smoothed out the way for the government’s profit-making projects. A great opportunity to once more avoid being answerable to the defenseless people, to get rid of the survivors and with them their protests which are, as always, indigestible to the Generals. What’s the big deal if there are less farmers and fishermen to exploit, there’s all that environmental butchery to feed from and fatten the junta, of course, always with support coming from China.

China announced on May 28, plans to build a railway line between Chinese city of Ruili and Myanmar”s port city Kyaukphyu, not far from Kolkata, while Yangon secured a USD 763 million line of credit from Beijing to deepen economic cooperation between the two close allies. China Railway announced that it signed an agreement with Myanmar to jointly build the 810-km long rail line from Ruili in southwestern Yunnan Province to Kyaukphyu via Muse. The agreements was signed during the landmark three-day visit of Myanmar President Thein Sein that ended today during which Yangon secured a USD 763 million line of credit from the China Development Bank. Under the MOU to connect China with Myanmar”s Kyaukphyu port, China Railway Group Limited (China Railway) would be in charge of building the rail line. China Railway said the project, expected to be completed within three years, would help deepen China-Myanmar economic ties and boost the economic growth of Myanmar. Kyaukpyu, according to previous reports, was envisaged as terminus for Middle East and African tankers supplying oil to China from where it was expected to be transported by pipelines. The bilateral agreement for a USD 763 million line of credit was signed along with raft of financial pacts last night after talks between Chinese President Hu Jintao and his counterpart from Myanmar.

China involved in mining copper, iron and other minerals in Myanmar. The Myanmar Taguang Taung Nickel Ore Project Mining System, with joint investment from China Nonferrous Group and Taiyuan Iron and Steel (Group) Co. Ltd. (TISCO), has been put into operation, authorities said Friday. The project’s smelting system will be put into operation within the year, said Yang Haigui, secretary of the Communist Party Committee of TISCO. The project is the biggest cooperative mining project between China and Myanmar and is expected to provide 85,000 tonnes of high grade ferro-nickel annually upon completion. Located on the bank of the Fenhe River in Taiyuan, a city in north China’s Shanxi Province, TISCO is the world’s largest stainless steel enterprise with an annual output of 10 million tons of steel. The company’s products include stainless steel, cold rolled silicon steel and high strength and toughness steel.
It is also reported that China proposes to build a deep water port in southern Myanmar at Hianggyi Island, at the mouth of the Bassein River delta, on the understanding that it could be used by the Chinese Navy. Although it is believed, that when finally completed, the Hianggyi base will be too small to host Chinese surface warships of the size required for effective operations in the Indian Ocean.12 However, China will still be able to berth smaller vessels, which could help monitor Indian naval activity in the area. China is also believed to be modernizing the existing naval facilities in Myanmar’s ports of Akyab and Mergui. India remains wary of all these developments.
Indian sources report that China is building a signal intelligence station on Great Cocos Islands which could help China monitor Indian naval communications at sea, as well as observe and track Indian missile bases in the Indian state of Orissa. The Great Cocos islands are only at a distance of some 30 nautical miles from the Indian Andaman chain of islands and, therefore, the reports of establishment of such facilities are of particular concern to India.
It is also reported that in the renewed hostility between the Junta in Myanmar and Shan and Kachin rebels the Chinese are providing arms and other assistance to the military regime.

On the other hand Thailand is engaged in constructing a deep sea port in Myanmar. When complete, the Dawei port in southwestern Burma will be able to take ships of 300,000 tones, says Sing Tangcharoenchaichana, president of the industrial council of the Thai central region. Road connectivity to the port will be provided to China border and to Vietnam. This port is supposed to cut the cost of carrying oil and other merchandise to the South China Seas and the Gulf of Thailand through the Straits of Malacca.

India, for whatever reason, mostly because of foreign policy inertia and lack of forward vision has pushed Myanmar to the orbit of China. It is no Indian concern if Myanmar is ruled by military junta or democratic government. India blindly toed the American line and ignored forward policy in Myanmar. India’s proposal to open up the Mizoram to Sitwe port in Mynamar is still languishing in political and bureaucratic wrangle. In case the Sitwe gateway is opened India can stop depending on Bangladesh for its exports imports to the Northeast states.

China has also made deep inroads in Sri Lanka. The Chinese Government endeavors to develop its friendship and cooperation with Sri Lanka on the basis of the Five Principles of Peaceful Co-Existence. Chinese enterprises are contracted to build the Hambantota port.

The foundation for the construction of a modern port with Chinese assistance at Hambantota in southern Sri Lanka was formally laid in October, 2007. The construction actually started in January, 2008.

It is a 15-year project to be completed in stages. The entire project is estimated to cost US $ one billion. The present Chinese commitment is for the construction of the first stage only, which is estimated to cost US $ 360 million. China has agreed to give 85 per cent of this amount at concessional interest. The balance is being contributed by the Government of Sri Lanka.

The first stage of the 15-year (2008-2023) project is expected to be completed by the end of 2010. This stage envisages the construction of a 1000-metre jetty, which will enable the harbor to function as an industrial port for the import and export of industrial chemicals, fuel and heavy machinery. By 2023, Hambantota is projected to have a liquefied natural gas refinery, aviation fuel storage facilities, three separate docks giving the port a transshipment capacity and dry docks for ship repair and construction. The project also envisages that when completed the port will serve as a base for bunkering and refueling.

The draught (depth) of the new harbour will be 16 metres against 15 metres in Colombo. A 230 metre passage-entrance channel will be created at the breakwater which is 988 metres long on the west end and 311 metres long on the east end.

The Government hopes that as a refueling location Hambantota will have many advantages over the Colombo port or ports in South India. The construction has been undertaken by a consortium of Chinese companies headed by the China Harbour Engineering Company and the Sino Hydro Corporation.

The project doesn’t have a separate consultant. The Sri Lanka Port Authority (SLPA) is functioning as the client-cum-consultant while the China Harbour Engineering Co Ltd is the contractor. In September, 2008, there were 328 Sri Lankans and 235 Chinese working at the site-engineers, administrative personnel and others. The present number is not known.

The first stage due to be ready by end 2010 will allow three ships to berth. The final stage, for which there is no offer of funding yet from China, is planned to accommodate more than 30 ships, which is the present capacity at Colombo.

Reliable reports say that while the Sri Lankan authorities want Hambantota to emerge as a modern port with better facilities and efficiency than any of the ports in South India, they do not want the present importance of the Colombo port to be reduced. Colombo presently has the reputation of being the most modern and most efficient port in South Asia. They want this reputation to be maintained. There is no proposal at present to set up container yards and cater to container ships at Hambantota.

The present Chinese interest is in the use of the docking and refueling facilities that would come up in Hambantota for their commercial and naval ships. There is no proposal at present for a Chinese naval base at Hambantota.

Chinese port operator China Merchants Holdings (International) is negotiating with the Sri Lankan authorities a contract for the construction of a new container terminal at Colombo. The company has bid for the contract jointly with a Sri Lankan company Aitken Spence.

On November 27, 2009, Rajapaksa inaugurated the construction of Sri Lanka’s second international airport at Maththala in Hambantota. The new airport will be constructed on a plot of 2,000 hectares in Hambantota district at a cost of US$ 190 million. The Government of the People’s Republic of China will provide financial assistance for the project with a soft loan through its Ex-Im Bank.. According to the Ports and Aviation Ministry, the construction of the airport will be completed in two phases. All basic facilities including runways, taxiways and parking facilities will be completed in the first phase to be completed by 2011. All other airport and aviation related facilities will be completed in the second phase. These include servicing and repairing centre for aircraft, hotels, pilot training centre, maintenance hub, private jet parking, and technical training centers. The Government hopes to commission the airport by the end of 2011 and land the first flight by December 2011.

Other Chinese activities in Lanka include: the construction of the Colombo–Katunayake Expressway.( US $ 248 million), improvement of the railways—US $ 100 million to be given by China’s Ex-Im Bank. Agreement signed on March 10, 2010. Norochcholai Coal Power Plant (US$855 million), a flood protection system for Colombo suburbs of Kotte, Dehiwela-Mount Lavinia, Maharagama, Kesbewa and Moratuwa. (US $ 59 million) To be given by China Construction Bank, National Theatre of Performing Arts in Colombo (US $ 21 million). Sri Lanka’s investment promotion agency, the Board of Investment, announced in July, 2009, it has signed a deal with China’s Huichen Investment to manage a special economic zone dedicated to Chinese investors. Huichen will invest US $28 million in the zone in Mirigama, north of Colombo, to improve infrastructure in the first phase over three years. The company, a conglomerate that specializes in infrastructure development and does coal and iron ore mining, will also market the zone and attract Chinese investors.

More than 50 per cent of the funding received by Sri Lanka from abroad for construction and development projects since Rajapaksa came to power came from China.

Since 2007, Sri Lanka has been trying to launch a communication satellite. China has agreed to provide financial and technical assistance, “Executive Director of the Institute of Policy Studies, Dr. Saman Kelegama was quoted as saying in November 2009. In May 2009, Priyantha Kariyapperuma, Director-General of the Telecommunications Regulatory Commission, had said that the Government had begun work on a space programme hoping to launch two communication satellites. “The University of Surrey specializes in satellite technology having created about 35 satellites. They have made a presentation to President Mahindra Rajapakse and have entered into an agreement to transfer technology and knowledge to our universities, “he told the Island Financial Review. Kariyapperuma said a consortium of vice chancellors from universities with engineering faculties had been formed for this purpose. He said the Government planned to launch two communication satellites—a lower earth orbit satellite used mainly for images and a geo stationary communication satellite. The two satellites will be used not only for communication purposes but also for disaster management, agriculture planning, irrigation planning, town/urban planning and coastal conservation. He said the low earth orbiting satellite could be financed with domestic funds particularly from the Telecommunication Development Fund. The private sector would also be called to contribute to the development of the two satellites.
Burgeoning Chinese presence in Nepal is marked by construction of a road linking China and Nepal and project to connect Nepal with the main rail routes of China. China has committed $3 billion aid to Nepal for joint venture development of Lumbini on Indian border, the birth place of Lord Buddha. This will be place of global tourist attraction. India failed to link up development of Nalanda and Saranath with Lumbini. If India had undertaken that project with Japanese, Korean, Taiwan and Thai assistance Lumbini would have not been grabbed by China. It is a clear failure of Indian diplomacy.

Global collaboration of Chinese companies are involved in internal road construction and the two governments are negotiating on the aspects of Construction of several hydro electric projects on rivers flowing from Nepal to India. This may pose serious problems for India. Defying limitations of Indo-Nepal agreement Nepal received several consignments of weapons systems from China. With the rise of Maoists parties in Nepal India is likely to face increasing hostile attitude from sections of Nepalese leaders.

China has already started investing in the tourism industry of the Maldives and Maldivian students are encouraged tom study in Chinese universities. India’s relationship with Male is warm. But Delhi requires paying better attention to Maldives. Similarly, India should overcome the impasse caused by its Tamil sensitivities. The Indian Tamils should also understand that sympathy with a Diaspora cannot be poised against the country’s international relations. The war against the LTTE was fully exploited by Pakistan and China. That passivism phase should be discarded by India. It should encourage Sri Lankan students to study in India on scholarship, allow liberal export from Colombo and get involved in Lanka’s quest for development. In international cooperation money spent is money earned.

It is time to wake up and extend hands of cooperation towards Myanmar, Lanka, Nepal and other ASEAN countries. India needs reorientation of its foreign policy and expansion of its sphere of influence in the region.

Unfortunately, the fabric of the society our leaders had laid and the historical legacies we inherited have only completed 64 years. A former Mossad friend commented on phone that India would probably take another 64 years to wake up to witness that the saplings they planted had produced poisonous fruits. They might find the country again disintegrated due to communal separatism, lack of firm governance and vote bank ambivalence. I digested the dig, but could not disagree with him. Like Honi M’agel, Indian rulers are still asleep and presume that political debauchery and secular chicanery would finally bail them out. I was shocked to read and see media rampage where the use of ‘M word’ is treated as politicization of terrorism and as an act of blatant anti-secularism.

This is as fallacious as Honi’s belief that the fruits would ripen in his life time and the fruits would rain nectar. We see no God either to recite Yada yada hi dharmasya glanirbhavati Bharata…. etc.

The latest terrorist strikes in Mumbai prove that our political class, the security machineries and other tools of governance of the nation are rusted and the Congress and allies fallaciously believe that ‘resilience’ of the people and financial grants to the dead would solve the problems of jihadist and separatist terrorists. There are reasons to get mad at the nagging repetition of the refrain ‘resilience.’ I would like to share that resilience is the noun form of the verb root resile. One meaning of resile means: Move back in a roughly opposite direction after an impact. Resilience always does not mean elasticity. The media and the political pundits may please keep this in mind.
Dear Honis’ may note that reaction of Mumbaikars and other Indians is not resilience. They are not elastic rubber strips that rebound to original shape after distension. People are compelled to go out of home to earn bread, pursue studies, attend their business and swallow their anger. Anger is not an easily digestible emotion. The media also join the government cacophony and apply spiritual sprays to sooth the anger. If the governments are ready to hear the truth about people’s anger, they may learn about three strains of burning hell-fire in people’s mind: a. accumulation of hatred against a religious minority community; b. lack of confidence in government for failing to restrain the rogue nation of Pakistan; c. anger against systemic failure of the intelligence security machineries and other tools of governance. According to them ‘lack of resilience’ may mean large scale communal carnage and lack of confidence in the present political and governance systems. If rational deductions are drawn from this, it may lead to escalation of ‘Hindu terrorism’, as witnessed in certain incidents. That also may lead to the embedded seed of wider social and national divide and civil strife. No one should forget that creation of Pargya Thakur and Aseemanand type ultras is governed by Newton’s Third Law of Motion: every action has equal reaction. A leader like Digvijay may take fresh lesson from Newton’s theory that is still universally valid.

While media speculation and so-called analyst surmises tried to indeterminately through the blame of Indian Mujahideen (an offshoot of SIMI), Lashkar-e-Taiba, statements about a severed head and wires found on a dead body gave rise to the speculation that suicide bombers had perpetrated the crime. The IM, LeT, HuJI and Kashmir militants have so far not used human bombs. That is the trade mark of Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan (Punjab wing) and al Qaeda. We may have to rethink again if our agencies have not missed the Queen or King on the chessboard of jihadist terrorism.

In the midst of cacophony of confusion certain Muslim organizations have warned the government not to brand any Muslim terror outfit till definite clues were established. Honoring their secular sentiment Chidambaram has ruled that the government was not leaving any option out. If no clue is found than the most convenient goat to sacrifice might be another Modi or Hindu extremists. Certain Muslim organizations in Delhi and central India have already started a whispering campaign on this line. Hope there would be no buyer. I would suggest the leaders to consider if hanging Modi and a few Hindu extremists would solve the problem of jihadist terror in India they might try that as well. The truth is that the flag of Islamic jihad has been perched on the soil of India by historical separatists, and machinations of Pakistan and pre-Hasina Bangladesh.

Some allegations have been made by the Congress against L. K. Advani and other BJP leaders for ‘politicizing’ the tragic incident. It is necessary to understand the cliché ‘political process.’ The Indian state is run on the basis of political processes which not only include the constitution, Acts of parliament, existing laws, and procedure of governance, control of finance and defense and governing instruments. This also includes ability of the state to feed the people, protect their lives and properties and ensure security of the country from internal and external threats. Whether it is an Advani or anyone else, criticizing the government for policy failure does not constitute politicization. It means asking questions about ability of the government to protect the people through the systemic machineries. In case of India it appears that the governing system is losing grip on ‘mass control’ to the Maoists, jihadi terrorists and other separatist elements. They are losing the battle of mind.

Intelligence is a part of the political process, so also the policing instruments. In Indian democracy the instruments of governance cannot be separated from the political policy decision making process. It is necessary to have deep appraisal of the efficacy and capability of these machineries.

A few media friends commented that Advani hinted at minority appeasement by Congress and meaningless resumption of comprehensive talks with Pakistan. I apprehend vast majority of Hindus may agree with ‘hinted nuance’ of Advani if an unbiased poll is taken all over the country; on the issue of alleged minority appeasement. As far as resumption of talks is concerned most Indians wonder what prompted India to offer talks despite Pakistan not responding to India’s outstanding grievances. Some brain-teasing analysts opine that India is surrounded by hostile countries like Pakistan, China, Sri Lank, even Bangladesh. India must talk. USA is not surrounded by enemies; hence it may afford not to talk. Well! I am not a neuro-specialist to certify that such analysts are having periodical waves in their brains, determined by who pays for the Scotch. India could as well internationally isolate Pakistan by refusing to talk, despite US pressure. Can the US press Pakistan to kill all the terrorist protagonists? Obviously not. It can temporarily tighten the money string. Ultimately USA too would succumb to Pakistani blackmailing. What compulsion India has to succumb to Pakistani bullying? Simply because one Manmohan Singh wants peace with Pakistan during his tenure!

If these parameters are considered I would not blame Advani and I would not describe his statement as politicizing the terror strikes. As we said earlier, political policy makers should sit back and contemplate and not let loose leaders like Digvijay to babble out bullshit. Some day he declares Kalmadi and Deshmukh as innocent, some day he whispers that Raja is not at fault and he always sees bad dreams about Hindu ghosts.
Soon after the 26/11 devastation in Mumbai, Chidambaram had proclaimed that huge amounts were invested for improving the counterterrorism measures. Tangible and visible symptoms are, strengthening of the NSG, starting the National Investigation Agency (NIA), establishment the yet stillborn National Intelligence Grid (Natgrid) with Raghuraman as chief. The Natgrid is still a crawling baby and has not contributed anything significant to improve generation, distribution and implementation of intelligence. The NIA is a duplication and centralization of the investigation process of the state police forces. It does not add to the intelligence generation capability of the country.
It is believed that the Intelligence Bureau (IB) was given sanction to fill up 6000 vacancies which was projected nearly 12 years ago. That projection of 6000 has now become a projection of nearly 20000 personnel in different categories. Very little was added to the technical intelligence assets of the IB. On the other hand, the national Technical Research organization, a fledgling technical intelligence outfit, working under the cabinet Secretariat has centralized most of the Tech. Intelligence operations. Turf war is on. But, IB is at the losing end. Taking into consideration of the size of the country, population explosion and proliferation of internal security threats the IB should have been vastly strengthened by adding man power, sanctioning more intelligence generating gadgets and other resources. Even in problem states like Maharashtra, Gujarat, Uttar Pradesh and Assam and Naxal affected states the ground spread of the IB is very thin. Even where the total available strength is 100 odd (say in Mumbai), at least 1/3rd of the strength are not meant for intelligence production. They are supporting staff. As is vogue in all government offices less than 40% available man power really apply heart and soul to their tasks. IB training and operations are not adequate for achieving penetrative Human Intelligence, especially in areas where the jihadists nest.

In absence of Human Intelligence and limitations on Technical Intelligence it becomes difficult even in projecting 50% of specific threat perspective. Intelligence Tradecraft is neglected by the field officers. While it is imperative for the government to take a fresh stock of the IB resources, it is imperative for the IB as well to ensure that proper tradecraft trainings are imparted and practiced in ground situation. There should be periodical evaluation of Human Intelligence generation capability from inside the modules and cells of the terrorist organizations. Counter terrorism is a dangerous game of wit. Terrorist are always steps ahead of intelligence. Most IB ground officers lack in tradecraft knowledge and superior wit to beat the terror modules and cells. In most places they do not have even access capability. Hopefully the Home Ministry and the IB would have serious reevaluation of the state of affairs.

As far as police forces are concerned some stark facts are required to be examined. The latest decennial census of India (2011) puts the headcount of the world’s second largest country at 1,210,193,422. India’s 2 million plus strong police forces, highly diverse and decentralized, face 1,210,193,422 multi-faceted problems, which comes to less than one police person per 1,000 people. Crime in India, an annual publication of National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB), Ministry of Home Affairs, Government of India, in its latest edition (2009) gives the ‘actual strength of civil police (including district armed police) in 28 states and 7 union territories in India as 1.56 million against a ‘sanctioned’ strength of 2 million police personnel. The armed paramilitary police of 342,447 constituted over one-fourth of the total strength. Seven central police forces—Assam Rifles, Border Security Force, Central Industrial Security Force, Central Reserve Police Force (including Rapid Action Force and Commando Battalion for Resolute Action acronymic COBRA), Indo-Tibetan Border Police, National Security Guard and Sashstra Seema Bal—had 528,000 personnel in 2000. The 2010-11 Annual Report of the Ministry of Home Affairs, Government of India, does not give total strength in absolute numbers, it gives organization-wise battalion strength. The total strength of the Indian Police Service (IPS) officers, the elite leadership cadre recruited by the Union government on the basis of an all-India examination and personality test conducted by the Union Public Service Commission and allotted to various states, was 4,720 on December 31, 2010. Several hundred posts are still vacant.

The Indian police guard 28 states and seven union territories (UT) and an area of 32, 87,782 sq km some of which is not easy to access. While the country’s 14,000 km of land border with six countries—including uncomfortable coexistence with two and numerous operational problems with three—and a coastline of 7,517 km are guarded by the defense forces and specialized central police organizations, the police of the states concerned too come into the picture for micro management of public security.

In case the armed paramilitary forces are deducted from the existing police strength it would appear that India has one policeman for nearly 5000 people. How can effective policing be performed with this kind of civil police strength? The country needs nearly over 3 million additional civil police for appropriate policing. In a burgeoning economy internal stability and law and order play an important role. This cardinal factor is overlooked by the central and state governments. Expenditure on policing is intricately related to steady growth.

Moreover, recruitment, training and motivation of the civil police have been questioned by several experts. At a cursory look a policeman on the street gives an impression that he is pot bellied, sloppy, expert in giving challans, collecting hafta (weekly forced collection) from the traders and street peddlers.

Over the decades civil police strength has shrunk further. With population increase and separation of the paramilitary forces from thana (police station) policing the effective strength of policing has been reduced to 1:5000. This is an alarming situation. Recruitment, training and motivation of the civil police are alarmingly poor. There is rampant corruption in recruitment to lower ranks. A study indicates that in average a constable aspirant has to pay minimum rupees 2 lac bribe. A sub-inspector aspirant has to pay minimum rupees 5 lac as bribe. Besides this the political masters mint money out of recruitment at different levels. In addition to that the politicians demand huge money from Dy. SP to sub-inspector ranks for posting and transfer to ‘lucrative’ stations. Having entered the force by paying huge bribes, the average policeman leans on the pockets of criminals, mafia gangs and common citizen. Collection of hafta from street vendors, shop keepers and common people is a widely spread disease. A dishonest force is a vulnerable force.

The civil police lower ranks are recruited from various backgrounds and are not well trained in investigation, counterterrorism, and gathering ground intelligence from local BCs (bad characters), HOs (habitual offenders) and even watchful community people. Community policing has not been integrated with Indian policing system. A lower rank is not well compensated for nearly 12-16 hour duty. He looks out for ‘extra income’ through devious channels. Moreover, the Indian police have not yet overcome the colonial hangover and treat common citizen as suspects and milking cows.

Several police commissions have gone into these issues but the central and state governments have failed to add new image to the policeman on the street. In rural areas citizens have to bribe policemen even to get a FIR registered. Involvement in criminal activities, including rape has increased during last few years.

The thana police is not trained in combating terrorists. Some states have formed Anti-Terror Squads. Strength of the ATS is microscopic compared to quantum of problems faced by them. They have some intelligence generation capability. But, in overall examination it is found that the state police intelligence units are in abysmal conditions.

Real policing spine depends on beat constables, thana police and the intelligence units of the state police. These are known as state IB, Special Branch etc. Every state capital has a formation of intelligence unit under a senior IPS officer. Every district has intelligence units under the SP/Commissioner. These are different from criminal intelligence department (CID). In some state these are known as CBCID. Unfortunately in most of the states intelligence units are in shambles. Generally misfit, discredited, aged and ill-performing officers are posted in Int. branches. Young, dashing and innovative officers avoid posting in Int. units as this department offers little scope of ‘upri income.’ Such deployments are generally taken as punishment postings.

Police intelligence institutes are not manned by trainers having deep knowledge of tradecraft. In the course delivering guest addresses in certain state police intelligence training schools I was horrified to realize the lack of knowledge in HUMINT, TECHINT, SIGINT, ELINT etc aspects of intelligence gathering. Some officers are periodically sent to central IB training facilities for Basic Courses. My experience indicates that the police officers treat this as paid furlough. They do not take the training seriously. In the recent past some states have taken steps to revamp their Int. units. But state police intelligence units are far behind the challenges emanating from terrorists, mafia dons and existence of terror modules and cells under their noses.

Since the Int. units are not lucrative hubs of policing, both the organizational leaders and the politicians neglect this vital aspect of internal security mechanism. The Prime Minister of India may personally discuss this important aspect with the Chief Ministers and take concrete steps to modernize the police Intelligence units by recruiting young personnel, train and motivate them in intelligence tradecraft and help them in establishing better coordination with civil police and national intelligence agencies. The present system of dumping dud civil police personnel to the Int. units requires serious review. The states require exclusive Int. units as a feeder branch to civil police and ATS. A time has come for separating the pot bellied civil police from smart and motivated younger Int. operatives. The ATS units may generate own intelligence but they require greater input from civil police and Int. units. New thinking is necessary for the state governments to create interactive distinctions between the civil police and In. units of the police departments. Policing and intelligence gathering may be examined under different lenses. Unless this is done it may become impossible for them to penetrate the modules and cells of terrorist organizations. Without penetration HUMINT cannot be generated.

Terror related intelligence has three broad divisions: Strategic- advance intelligence regarding location of terror modules and cells and their foreign linkages; Tactical actionable intelligence-advance intelligence about immediate plan and programme of the terrorists; Research and analysis. While some of these aspects are covered by the IB, the state police intelligence lack in expertise in these aspects of tradecraft.

A penetrative examination of the anti-terror policies of the central and state governments indicates that political policy framing mechanism is obsolete and not proactive.

Simply by cheering the people for maintaining communal harmony, the nation cannot fight jihadi incursion. Sooner than later the walls of patience may collapse. That would be the most unfortunate development for India as Jinnah’s Calcutta Direct Action, the great Noakhali killings and mass genocide during the partition and Hindu reaction to those may revisit and push the country towards throes of crisis.

The political class cannot put their feet- in-mouths and deceive the country by taking advantage of people’s patience and blaming each other. Diseased politicians like Digvijay require more prudence. They may keep in mind Newton’s Third Law of Motion. Each action has equivalent counteraction. Unbridled jihadi terrorism is likely to strengthen Hindu terrorism. Often cynicism makes people indifferent. Like most sand-barrages patience is a fragile barrier. Once it breaks revolution takes over.

In brief, what messages do we get from the jihadi attacks and acts of political and administrative non-action, proxy war that destroy national fabric, infuse separatism in sections of the Muslims; arouse competitive Hindu resurgence and common citizen’s loss of trust in the governing political and systemic tools?

The messages are simple.

• India is not ready to wake up to the reality that all “M-words” are not secular and all “H-words” are not communal.
• The political parties are required to abandon the street-urchin-psychology of opposing every action of political rivals.
• The State of India and its intelligence and police forces are not adequate to meet jihadist threat. India lacks in systemic tools to fight foreign inspired jihadist elements.
• India refused to accept that sections of its own citizen have been subverted by Pakistani and pre-Hasina Bangladeshi intelligence outfits and jihadi tanzeems.
• India has failed to stop Bangladeshi migration flood.
• The country lacks efficient anti-terrorist Act, faster criminal jurisprudence system and united political will.
• Some political parties continue to suffer from appeasement policy that encourage and embolden the jihadists.
• The State of India is unable to thwart foreign intervention in India’s internal security affairs through diplomatic, geostrategic and military actions.
• Muslim separatism is gaining strength and is being encouraged by certain actions and inactions of the governing tools and by machinations of the neighboring countries.
• Jihad has come to stay and grow in Indian mainland trying to defeat the country from within
• Citizens are losing faith in the governing capability of Indian political and administrative systems.

For lack of space I propose only to deal briefly with only two items. The rest would require broader attention and realization of the country as whole for overcoming ideological and political and vote-bank compulsions. National Security cannot be made a part of political ideology and historical day-dreaming of unity of the people. Jihad can be fought with actual understanding of the harsh realities and not on the basis of mantras like “ostrich-secularism.”

Indian States (provinces) are not prepared with trained, equipped and motivated and dedicated Intelligence Wings that can take care of jihadi thrusts. Police Intelligence is simply out of date and not tuned to tackle jihadi and terrorist thrusts. They are caught napping all the time.

The Central Intelligence Bureau can perform well. Their abnormal deficiency has occurred because the governments have failed to give more trained, equipped and motivated manpower to the IB. A Security Assistant in IB is equated with a dak delivery peon, process server and daftary, so is the police constable. Why would a process server risk his life for fighting terrorism? How can the citizenry expect protection from a daftary? The nation should not expect best out of a force that is treated by 150 year old civil administration as chaprasis. Motivation is linked to service condition. Absence of Unified Anti-terror law has impeded the methodology of prevention and investigation. Proliferation of agencies has created jurisdictional turf war.

Political color of the government decide attitude of enforcing agencies to jihadist organizations and situations. A Chief Minister in UP decides in his wisdom that SIMI is not a terrorist organization, though the Supreme Court has told SIMI, “You are a terrorist organization.” The government in Kolkata refused to react till a prominent businessman was kidnapped and part of ransom money was used by the ISI in 9/11 attack on America and attack on US Consulate. Political color should not affect war against jihad and terrorism. Hindu resilience should not be taken for granted.

The madrasas, maktabs and certain schools teach hate-campaign. This is required to be monitored and corrective measures are required to be taken. A section of Muslims in India have been infected by jihadi ideology. This is being exploited by Pakistan. Minority pampering is not the answer. The community leaders must be sensitized that rooting of jihadism may harm them in the long run.

India requires something like Homeland Security Act and ancillary administrative, intelligence and investigation agencies. Today even POTA is not enough. Indian political breed should stop thinking in terms of Hindu-Muslim relationship as it existed between the times of Sir Sayid Ahmad and M. A. Jinnah. If we cannot respond as one nation and one people and at the slightest allegation that only Muslims are being targeted in the name of anti-terrorist actions, India cannot avoid looming greater catastrophe.

The damn truth is: what is happening in India is not terrorism. It is jihadist action directed at dividing India.

Is India prepared to face the facts that the international jihadists and subverted Indian Muslims are trying to impose jihad as the final acts of redemption of Islamic glory that once ruled India?

If that be so, let us compose a requiem to Motherland India.

Scientific and Technical Intelligence include collection process through all conceivable means of tradecraft, evaluation, assessment, precise conclusion about military, economic planning, defence production facilities, industrial infrastructure used in defence related industry and research and development activities of potential and real enemy countries. The end result is shared with the policy makers at political level and the various branches of political and defence wings. Technical Intelligence also includes Economic Intelligence.

The production of technical intelligence includes collection through open and clandestine sources, reports from own embassy about military hardware and preparation of reports and documents for the Military command and the national defence policy makers. TechInt documents include a wide range of materials prepared by scholars appointed to study defence preparedness of a target country, preparing military inventory of that country and preparation of manuals on military equipments of the target country. For example the Indian defence establishment prepares exhaustive scientific data based reports on new fighters, bombers and air to earth missiles acquired by China and Pakistan. Most of the data about Pakistani acquisitions from the US sources are known. But subsequent modification by Pakistan, specific to Indian targets are difficult to obtain. In such cases clandestine procedures are adopted as per tradecraft prescribed by the concerned agency, i.e. the Directorate of Air Intelligence.

India does not have elaborate establishments in the Armed Forces and civil intelligence establishments for gathering strategic Technical Intelligence. Very little efforts were made to appoint bodies of researchers to study technical data and formulate manual about weapons holding by deemed enemy countries, especially nuclear warheads, delivery mechanism and China’s latest air power acquisitions and establishment of new bases from where China can target important Indian targets.

Compared to India the USA has elaborated Technical Intelligence gathering mechanism. These are:

A.The Missile and Space Intelligence Center is a unit of the Defence Intelligence Agency.
B.The Armed Forces Medical Intelligence Center is a unit of the Defence Intelligence Agency. AFMIC is the only organization in the world with this comprehensive medical intelligence mission.
C.The National Ground Intelligence Center is a subordinate branch to the U.S. Army Intelligence and Security Command. The NGIC provides scientific and technical intelligence (S& TI) and general military intelligence (GMI) on foreign ground forces in support of military commanders, force and materiel developers, Department of the Army, Department of Defense, and National-level decision makers.
D.The National Air and Space Intelligence Center is subordinate to the US Air Force, Air Intelligence Agency.
E.A section in the Office of Naval Intelligence handles technical intelligence activities for the US Navy. Those activities were formerly carried out by the Naval Intelligence Service and by its successor the Naval Technical Intelligence Center.
F.Besides these military units The National Security Agency takes up scientific and technical analysis on foreign communications and communications security equipment, as well as foreign research in these areas.
G.The CIA is also authorized to collect Technical Intelligence and Economic Intelligence, which is considered as a part of Technical Intelligence.

In addition to the above, according to the US National Counterintelligence Executive (NCIX), 108 countries tried to obtain US technology during the fiscal year 2005. Most of the effort, however, centered on a small number of countries like China, Russia Japan etc. In the USA systematic collection of intelligence about theft of technical data by foreign countries was systematically started in 1997. Some methodologies adopted for such intelligence collection may include:

A.Stealing of economic and technical data is rather common operations that exploit business relationships, marketing and sales phase. There are also efforts targeted at individuals with sensitive knowledge.
B.Such intelligence is generated often by asking companies for classified, sensitive, or export-controlled information. In some cases, a single would-be foreign buyer sent out multiple requests to a variety of US companies, searching for a seller willing to ignore or bend export-licensing requirements.
C.Joint ventures are often used to bring intelligence collectors in contact with people or facilities with sensitive information
D.Offering support services to facilities established with foreign collaboration can camouflage intelligence operators to gather clues about all sorts of manufacturing details. .
E.Conventions and trade shows offer scopes for gathering economic intelligence. It can be quite easy to enter a show for the industry only. It is not difficult to fake documents to access entrance and examinations of the wares displayed.
F.Use of spyware or other malicious hacking techniques to penetrate information systems of foreign governments and sensitive industries are normal practices of the western countries and the Russian federation. In case the USA succeeds in hacking the website of China’s missile system the Chinese may not know about the operation for a long time.

Most industrially advanced countries like Russia, China, Japan, Korea, Vietnam, Germany, France etc are involved in collection of economic intelligence as a part of Technical Intelligence. The famous case of Dr. A Q Khan of Pakistan stealing nuclear technology data, sharing it with China and manufacturing uranium enriching plants and making nuclear bombs for Pakistan is a recent classical case. The storm over “open nuclear marketing” by Pakistan to North Korea, Iran and Libya is still raging the world. The events are even endangering global security with the distinct possibility of the jihadi terrorists accessing the nuclear arsenal of instable Pakistan.

India has taken steps to set up the Central Economic Intelligence Bureau of India, an apex body to coordinate gathering of economic intelligence, detecting economic offenders in collaboration with different economic intelligence and enforcement bodies and with the Central Bureau of Investigation and the Intelligence Bureau. It also acts as a Secretariat of the Economic Intelligence Council which acts as the apex body to ensure full co-ordination among the various agencies.

The Economic Intelligence Council of India was formed to facilitate coordination amongst the Enforcement Agencies dealing with economic offences and ensure operational coordination amongst them, a two tier system has been established by the Government of India with an Economic Intelligence Council at the Centre under the Chairmanship of Union Minister of Finance, and 18 Regional Economic Intelligence Committees at different places in India.
Among the non-government bodies two agencies are worth mentioning. International Market Assessment (IMA) India provides business enterprises with strategic research, business intelligence and market insights together with sound independent advice on various aspects of the operating environment. Established in 1994, the firm offers four broad service lines built around the objective of delivering authentic, analytical and practical insights to country managers and other senior executives.

The Economic Intelligence Service is designed to present an analytical macroeconomic view of the Indian economy. It brings out a Monthly Review of the Indian Economy. This approximately 100-page document provides CMIE’s view on the Indian economy. It contains forecasts on Indian economy and presents the most regularly updated statistics along with descriptive analysis for a range of lead economic indicators.

For Technical Intelligence management the National Defense Intelligence College of the USA offers courses in Master of Science in Technical Intelligence. This program enables the students to know the global context that shapes the world system and understand the complexity, velocity, and interdependency of world issues and events. The core curriculum is designed to have students develop global awareness, and understand how historical, economic, cultural, political and social contexts affect intelligence and national security. Such understanding is essential for a program founded on the premise that world events can only be understood by employing a variety of disciplinary perspectives, and that they must be understood in a global, regional, and local context. The students are required to be graduates. All prospective NDIC students must be U.S. citizens who are members of the U.S. Armed Forces or federal government employees. Additionally, the students must possess security clearance.

The Indian Army also recruits soldiers (10+2 qualification) for Technical cadres. The other major direct recruitment is Indian Army Technical Graduate Course for which an engineering degree in different disciplines can only qualify to be recruited. This cadre of officers is assigned to The Corps of Engineers. These officers are not designed after the Master of Science in Technical Intelligence of the USA.

Among the civil intelligence agencies the Intelligence Bureau and the RAW recruit officers equivalent to the ranks of Sub-Inspector of Police, styled as Assistant Central Intelligence Officer (Grade II), Technical. Rarely some recruitment is also made to higher ranks. However, these officers do not perform the duties of aggressive gathering of Technical Intelligence, as the terminology has been defined by the global intelligence agencies. They are assigned to certain areas of ElInt, SigInt, ComInt and other branches of TechInt. They are generally designed to assist the general duty intelligence officers in running operations where electronic and similar gadgets are involved and also in Signal Intelligence management.

TechInt is heavily dependent on HumInt, ElInt, ImInt, SigInt, ComInt, MasInt and CominInt (computer intrusion intelligence) etc branches of tradecraft. TechInt, as the subject is commonly understood in India is a part of the intelligence cycle, the process through which intelligence is obtained, produced, and made available to users. We propose not to discuss the military aspects of the TechInt, but incorporate in this discussion the interrelations of ElInt and HumInt. In its proper implication, an ElInt expert is an intelligence operator who operates electronic monitoring and related equipment to detect electronic emissions: conducts continuous search and monitoring of assigned portions of radio frequency spectrum, using special search or monitoring equipment. He observes video presentations or listens to signal to determine primary characteristics of monitored signals. The expert operates cameras to photograph signals, operates recorders to record signals, determines azimuth from which the signal originated, using direction finder procedures. He determines accurately and rapidly parameters, directional bearing, and point of origin of electronic data recorded on photographic film and magnetic tape through operation of technical laboratory analysis equipment, such as electronic parameter display consoles, oscilloscope, electronic counters and sorters, X-Y plotters, sonographs, visographs, brush recorders, video and audio playback units, complex viewers, visual projectors, and associated analog and digital equipment.

The description given above cannot be found in one person. Several expert operators work in assigned fields and the data obtained are processed and assessed by the hierarchical experts and the final product is shared with the HumInt analyst and controlling authority. Utilization of the data procured and processed is subject to directions of the hierarchical chief. Very sensitive information are immediately shared with the political policy maker, as in the case of satellite phone talks between General Musharraf and General Ziauddin Butt, the ISI chief intercepted by an Indian intelligence agency, which clarified amply to India and international community that General Musharraf had plotted the surprise attack on India in Kargil sector of Jammu and Kashmir.

ElInt has a broader connectivity with SigInt. However, in regular intelligence collection and collation through HumInt, certain electronic gadgets are used. In normal intelligence vocabulary in India use of such gadgets is described as ElInt, in aid to HumInt. In specialized application these electronic equipments aid to general information and data collection for supplementing HumInt efforts. Some of the electronic gadgets used in daily intelligence operations are: still and video camera, miniature-micro cameras with built in radio transmission, miniature audio/radio signal emitting bugs, hand held micro document copiers, bug detectors, miniature GPS bugs and miniature voice recording devices etc.

Use of still cameras, normal, miniature and special resolution lens cameras and infrared cameras for night shooting capability are usually used to take close up, long focus and nighttime photographs of suspects. Conventional cameras have several disadvantages. The shutter noise even in a SLR digital camera can be heard by people standing nearby; often flash is used in case the subject is located in dim light area. However, India’s hope for silent cameras eluded the intelligence community for a long time. Certain research organisations in India were tasked (DRDO and IIT included) to produce noiseless cameras. However, in global market quite cameras like Rollie 35, Leica M7 and Hexar-AF etc are available and are popular. Certain Cell Phone cameras are also noise less. However, the US Congress has deliberated on a Bill to ban silent Cell Phones. The Mobile Phone Predator Act (Bill HR 414) was introduced in the Congress on 01.09.2009 sought to ban noiseless Cell Phone cameras.

Standard cameras are used to photograph a static subject or a counter intelligence subject with a camouflaged camera. Camouflaging devices are adopted to suit the location and occasion. The standard practice is to camouflage a miniature camera in a briefcase, lady’s purse with automatic switching facility. Once pressed, the camera can take photograph every 3 to 5 minutes, as per predetermined timing set by the technicians. Certain miniature digital cameras can be concealed in pens. Few illustrations are given below. These equipments can be still or radio transmitting video cameras. In private detection work some such fancy miniature cameras are in use. Use of such cameras in the intelligence agencies is rather infrequent due to paucity of the gadgets and lack of training of the intelligence generating general duty officers. The problem in Indian agencies lay in the policy of watertight compartmentalization between the general duty and technical officers. The two cadres normally do not trust each other and very few general duty intelligence-generating cadres are adequately exposed to the use of such electronic equipments. Even most of the senior level officers coming from the police ranks (RAW cadre in case of the external intelligence) are not intensively exposed to the use of sophisticated electronic equipments. Such gaps between the two cadres often create difficulties in the application of ElInt equipments by the general duty officers.

Some micro cameras can be camouflaged in watch, keychain and pens
Use of micro video cameras had immensely helped in concluding certain counterespionage operations. Individual XX was a serving technologist in a defence related research project developing and manufacturing certain kinds of ground to air indigenous missiles. A static surveillance near the work premises of XX noticed his habit of leaving office late in the evening between 8 and 9 pm, while most other employees left latest by 6.30 pm. Mr. XX was in the habit of taking a private bus to his residence in a south Delhi location. One late evening he was noticed taking lift from a Delhi registered car. This was repeated on five occasions. After dropping XX near his residence the car generally moved around in different parts of the city. On a lucky day a static surveillance team noticed the car entering an embassy through the rear side family gate. This pattern was confirmed after 6 sightings. The operations desk decided to use an infrared still camera with night vision facility to take photographs of Mr. XX while entering and exiting the car. The Car driver was also snapped on three occasions. After analyzing the data it was decided that a senior officer would accost Mr. XX and record the conversation. Mr. XX was approached during lunch break when he visited a nearby eatery. He was shown the photographs of his entry and exit from the questioned car and the photos of the driver, who was identified as a non-diplomat employee of the embassy in question. Mr. XX caved in. He was taken to a safe house and interrogated. A wristwatch video camera was used that radio transmitted the interrogation sessions to a nearby video recorder placed in an adjacent room.

During interrogation Mr. XX broke down and admitted on video recorder that he was trapped by the foreign spy on the lure of money which he badly needed to marry off his three daughters. Over three years he had earned about half a million rupees. He was allowed to go under advice that he should not betray any emotion and continue to take ride from the foreign agent. In the meantime, the seniors of Mr. XX were taken into confidence and he was shifted to some non-critical area. He was given option to cooperate by feeding doctored information to the foreign spy for some time. It must me mentioned that the “playback” operation was planned after the issue was discussed between the two ministers of the government handling internal security and defence matters. After several “playback” operations the foreign spy was neutralized and sent back to his own country. Mr. XX was pardoned with caution for his collaboration with the agencies with some departmental punishment.

In another successful ElInt operation use of a micro pinhole video camera (no radio transmission but with audio recording facility) had helped an intelligence agency in documenting photos of top leadership of a Sikh guerrilla force and their hideout in a marshy location in Punjab. A Sikh operator having access to one of the guerrilla forces was induced to cultivate his friend and earn his confidence by supplying certain material benefits. Gradually he was given to understand that his friend could supply small weapons and ammunition to the guerrilla force, provided the friend could arrange a meeting with the chief of the force. A policy decision was taken to deliver two pistols as a taken to earn confidence of the top leader of the dreaded guerrilla force leader. The government was kept in picture. After the intelligence operative earned confidence of the chief by presenting two pistols he was granted passage to visit the main hideout in the marshy tract.

The Operations officer developed a unique idea. He tried out implanting a micro-mini pinhole video camera (no transmission, but with audio facility) inside the turban of the trusted operator. The recording time was for about 6 hours. After the trial was successful in simulated conditions the camera was implanted inside the turban and the operator was directed to proceed to the target area. The operator interacted with the guerrilla force chief and promised to deliver twelve pistols and 300 cartridges for an amount of rupees three lakhs. The deal cemented, a date was fixed for delivery of the weapon in a particular place of worship about three kilometers away from the hideout around 9 p.m. On the given day the operator approached the area and verified if the chief and his bodyguards were in position. After his signal was received the security forces surrounded the place of worship and after two hours gun battle the guerrilla chief surrendered with four bodyguards. For the first time a miniature pinhole camera was used camouflaging inside a turban. Later a few more operations were carried out using the same modus operandi.

The top decision maker of the government once directed that the hotel suite of a visiting foreign dignitary should be bugged and video camera should be used to monitor his activities. It was not known that a ‘charming mole’ was introduced in the game, who was also supposed to spend the night in the suite. Audio bugging was carried out in the guise of security checking of the room. Listening post was established in a nearby room. Since there was no opportunity to drill the walls to insert pinhole video cameras it was decided that two radio-capable video cameras would be installed- one camouflaged in the flower vase and the other inserted inside the frame of an artist’s fine depiction of a mountain peak. The end results were not analyzed by the operations team. These were passed on to the top decision maker for final consumption and likely future use by the political decision maker. It is not prudent to name the visiting foreign dignitary. Only comment that can be made that soon after his visit to India certain aspects of bilateral relations between the two countries improved vastly.

On another occasion an opportunity was offered to use a micro camera hidden in a thick Eyeglass Frames. The camera transmitted signals to a miniature recorder secured in an inner pocket of the blazer. The tiny camera operating on mercury battery could record for 3 hours. In western markets more powerful eyeglass frame mounted cameras are available. Some clandestine listening devices are also implanted inside calculators, palmtops and iPods etc.

Normal and miniature cameras have diverse utility in intelligence gathering and counterintelligence operations. The only disadvantage with micro video cameras is that battery life is limited and under favorable circumstances certain cameras can function for about 2 hours. A specific operation requiring constant video recording and transmission for 4day for 24 hours had presented a puzzle to an operating agency. After several research attempts it was found that the micro camera could be rigged and connected to an array of 6-nickel cadmium batteries suitably camouflaged inside a small honey beehive. Researchers collected a honey beehive by driving the bees away with smoke-torch. The hive was tooled to insert the battery pack and was concealed near the window ledge which provided a clear view of the main activity room of the subject under coverage; an intellectual suspected for his live connectivity with a group of terrorists. The fabricated battery served for the desired duration and the camera and the hive were removed after the operation was complete. The subject of coverage belonged to a northwestern state of India. The evidence gathered, it was reported, was able to neutralize the intellectual.

Besides use of photo technology, the intelligence agencies depend on radio bugs, both audio and video in ElInt operations. In recent times miniature radio-enabled bugs have revolutionized ElInt operations. Bugs are used to gain clandestine information from targeted subjects by implanting the electronic devices inside their homes, offices, cars and even on their person. Every intelligence generator is not trained in clandestine bugging operations. When an operation of this dimension is conceived by the operations chief and the controlling authority the Tech-ops operators are summoned and a compatible team is formed with personnel drawn from Int-ops and Tech-ops ranks. While the Tech-ops personnel should have the privilege to carry out the actual planting operation the Int-ops personnel maintain the right to decide where exactly the bug is to be planted, what camouflage would best suit the subject, décor of the room and accessibility. All such details are discussed by the operations chief and flexible decisions are taken with variable options.

Some bugs are supposed to be permanent or for long duration. In such cases, practically in all electronic bugging operations the disguise should be given top priority. In long term bugging operations the miniature bugs can be secreted inside a wall mounted electrical socket or plug. Connected with main electricity circuit such bug lasts for infinite period till retrieved or neutralized by bug detectors. In certain applications miniature bugs were connected to decorated lamps, ceiling mounted decorative lamps, inside television sets and telephones. In such cases also the planted bugs, connected to main electric supply system function for indefinite period.

Some of the micro bugs used in such operations are shown in the illustration below:

Such bugs are not more than one inch dimension with inbuilt batteries, which can last for about 7 days, unless connected to main power supply with adaptable diodes and transistors. In an operation it was suggested that the main living room of the suspect required bugging for gathering sensitive information related to state security. Gaining access to the house and the room was rather difficult. Besides a housekeeper, presence of a vicious looking pet dog presented immense difficulties. An intelligence operator masqueraded as a domestic servant and over a period befriended the Garhwali housekeeper of the target. New to the area he was looking for a carpenter to repair some dining chair legs and a rocking chair that was dear to his master. Over a lunch the Garhwali was assured by the operator that he knew a good carpenter whom he would bring along when his master was out of home.

A trained carpenter was taken along to survey the room and the furniture. He suggested that at least two days would be required to fabricate the dining chair legs and another day for replacing the rocking chair foam covers. A deal was struck. Three dining chair legs of the original design were fabricated in which two miniature radio-bugs were implanted. These bugs could be switched on from a distance of 800 meters and switched off when not required. A compatible receiver was placed within 800 meters and the room conversations could be recorded. A similar device was implanted inside the wooden frame of the rocking chair also. Such micro trans-receivers operate on Ultra High Frequency and depending on battery life can function from 5 days to 30 days.

Micro bug (right) and receiver (left)

Some bugs are planted inside the telephone and mobile phones of the targeted suspects. The normal problem of gaining access is insurmountable. However, for an ingenious intelligence operator it is not impossible to gain access even inside a defence installation. For line telephone two approaches are involved: gaining access to the target phone, replace with a similar phone treated with a bug or planting a bug in the lime-pair of the junction box or the line connecting the targeted phone.

Bugging mobile phones pose serious problems. However, there are software in the market that can listen to Bluetooth enabled mobile phones, Black Berry mobiles and laptop computers. Besides conversation SMS also can be intercepted from the targeted numbers. Where the Bluetooth enabled phones are not used, depending on accessibility thumbnail sized (Israel made) bugs can be connected to the SIM card for monitoring all calls.

While on cell phone monitoring we propose to introduce some novel innovations that have reached the market. The cell phone interceptor is one of the latest inventions introduced. The primary aim of developing this unit is to intercept or capture mobile phone conversations taking place around. The person with this unit can call and listen to the sounds and voices in his or her surroundings, and this works even if the target is not using his or her own phone. Hijacking a mobile number and using it by unscrupulous persons has become a common threat.

One of the most popular units ever introduced is the SecPro Cell Interceptor. It is one of the most effective GSM cellular interceptors that functions off-air. The SecPro is valued for several good features. In the first place, it possesses an intercept system that is very active. Notable about it is its characteristic of being non-detectable and highly performing. The unit can even be upgraded to carry a number of advanced capabilities. Other than that, this interceptor is powered with multi-channel and recording features.

Another model of a cell phone interceptor is the GSM Cellular Interceptor, designed with advanced monitoring features. This product is created to intercept cellular signals and traffic, and while SecPro is sophisticated in style, this too tops the list of the most advanced. Perhaps the best thing about this product is that it can be customized to fit certain specifications. Thus, users or buyers of this highly innovative technology can truly benefit from the capabilities that it has to offer, while enjoying the features they like.

There are many wonders in ElInt operations. The Wall Listening Device is a unique ElInt aid that can record room conversations from outside. This unique device is used to listen through walls. It is capable of listening through up to 20″ of solid concrete, doors, windows etc. The operator can also record by plugging in to recorder. This device is made for professional intelligence operators and is the top of the line for listening through the wall which allows the highest possible sound quality. However, if the wall is very thick and there is high pitch music in the room the interceptor may not wok ideally.

In some cases micro spy wireless Audio Bugs are planted in a target room. Most likely secreting spaces are green plant pots, picture frames and decoration piece. The wireless micro audio bug is a composition of oscillator transmitters and receiver. There is no need for GSM card and zero configurations. It works on fixed special FM frequency special signal transmission encryption so that other receivers are not listening to the audio signals. The actual size of the bug is half of the size of an AAA size battery. The radio broadcast can be picked up from a distance of 100 meters. Amazing miniaturized GSM Quadriband audio transmitter, for ambient locations such as vehicle or domestic room, remote unlimited audio surveillance are also used in advanced western countries. India is yet to introduce these sophisticated clandestine devices.

There are innumerable uses of ElInt gadgets for collecting and denying intelligence. One of the handy devices is Pen Microphone. This is better used along with a micro cassette recorder that is hidden inside the coat and a wire cleverly connects the pen microphone and the recorder. Some cassettes can record for 120 minutes. This instrument simplifies the intelligence requirement of clandestine recoding of interlocutions with a suspect.

In case it is not possible to gain access into a suspect location to plant a bug, the job can be accomplished by planting window bugs on the outside panel of the target room. The bugs are capable of picking up the sound waves and transmitting to a distance of 100 meters. The intelligence operators can physically handle a compatible recorder or a camouflaged recorder that switches on and off on receipt and tune-out of electronic impulses, can be secured inside a bush and can even be hidden in a green tree. Illustrated below are two typical window bugs which look like a beetle and a dragonfly. These bugs can perform for about 6 hours and given the security circumstances, can be retrieved and replaced.

Window Bugs

Besides such bugs there are sophisticated laser devices which can aim at a closed targeted window and pick up the vibrations and transmit to a receiver. Certain sensitive rooms are constructed with sound attenuation facilities. Some such rooms are designed to be rooms within a bigger room; thus providing buffer from snooping. In Delhi, it was noticed that a Persian Gulf country, while constructing its chancery building had provided complete lead-sheet wrapping of two rooms-the ambassador’s room and the room of the cipher handling and communication officers. Lead insulation of a room can minimize acoustic wave transmission.

The US government has prescribed certain standards for construction of highly sensitive rooms which are used for important project discussions. The federal government has several regulations for protecting sensitive conversations.

They apply mostly to Secure Compartmented Information Facilities (SCIF) and are:

1.Defense Intelligence Agency Manual (DIAM) 50-3. Although this document is no longer the primary one related to physical security standards, the chapter on audio security notes the value of sound masking as a tool, but is not specific. This is the earliest publicly available document on the subject.

2.Air Force Pamphlet (AFP) 88-26, 1988. This document goes into great detail on the methods for creating sound attenuation around a secure room. However, it also states: “The employment of sound masking in wall voids, doors, windows, and overhead ducts may be a more economical technique to achieve acceptable transmission losses.”

3.Director of Central Intelligence Directive (DCID) 6/9 2002. This document is now the primary unclassified document on physical security in SCIF. Annex E pertains to “Sound Masking Techniques”. It states: “…systems are designed to protect SCI against being inadvertently overheard by the casual passerby, not to protect against deliberate interception of audio.” The author’s experience with secure masking systems suggests that the military and its contractors as well as other government agencies are more concerned about the deliberate listener. It is likely that a publicly unavailable document exists that provides guidance for this higher level of protection. The DCID document does note that sound-masking devices may be used on doors, windows, walls, and vents or ducts, where applicable. Unfortunately, the document erroneously permits music as the sole source of masking. Music can be beneficial only when used in conjunction with sound masking.

4.Gramm Leach Blily Act. In compliance with this law, all financial institutions must protect the confidentiality of customer information and guard against any threats to the security of such information.

No such regulations exist in India as well as for Indian diplomatic premises abroad.
There are several sound-masking, sound equalizer and noise mixing equipments that can be used to minimize eavesdropping by intelligence agents and rival business competitors. The easiest means of denying eavesdropping facility is to play loudly a radio set to create ambience noise and continue the dialogue with at as low decibel as possible. In India, there are standing instructions in the intelligence agencies and defence departments about acoustic security. However, in practice, these rules are more breached than observed. It is known that certain foreign embassies in Delhi have ElInt and SigInt facilities to intercept cell phone, satellite phone, computer communication and even eavesdropping facilities.

There is no end of the wonder world of ElInt. There are certain radio bugs which can be planted in a suspect car used by the target. His conversations with any accomplice can be picked up by another intelligence agency car following at a safe distance of 200 meters. In a sensitive case of a suspect from Kashmir it was noticed that he was taking lift from a car belonging to a political leader. Under orders from controlling authority the target car was bugged and conversations between the suspect and the political leader were recorded for four days. As the conversation verged on threat to national security, the matter was brought to the notice of the political decision maker. It was learnt that adequate measures were taken to sensitize the Union Law Maker.

Complete body mounted bugs is listening device that is wired in the body of the intelligence operator. He can move around in the target location without any ostensible device in his hands, keep on recording conversations, and even live transmitting the same to nearby parked car. Dimension of the equipment is: 10х4х4 mm, operating time of the micro-headphone is 62 hours and service time of a micro headphone: 7000 hours. This convenient device has not been introduced in India. Instead, some enterprising officers hide a micro recording device on their body and tape the microphone to their hand, hidden under a coat. This is a cumbersome process.

Clandestine intelligence intrusion is basically a state activity, though many private players have started using ElInt equipments to serve private parties for economic intelligence, matrimonial discords, divorce cases, corporate competition etc matters. However, bugging the apparel or shoe of a suspect is basically in the domain of government agencies. There are two distinct equipments which can be used to track constant movement of a person on foot or in a car. On occasions coat buttons are substituted by similar buttons with concealed ElInt radio device that emit radiation through GPS system hooked up to a satellite. Such radiations are picked up by a central control room and surveillance teams are directed to pick up the subject. Similarly, GPS enabled micro bugs are inserted inside belts and shoe heels.

In an operation in Punjab a situation arose when a person enjoying confidence of the agency and also of the terrorist organisation was required to be deputed to a hideout in Goindwal area in Amritsar. The area skirted marshlands of the Harike Lake and could be approached on foot. It was decided that a GPS enabled bug would be planted inside the scabbard of the kripan (small sword) worn by the Sikhs. The purpose was to keep track of the person and rescue him if the terrorists kidnapped and detained him. After three days constant tracking the person returned to his launching base safely. In a similar operation a youth was won over and persuaded to join a gang going to Pakistan for training and collecting weapons. Since the kripan scabbard was a religious item of personal attire the same trick was applied and presence of the trusted youth was located in a forested area near Changa Manga near Lahore, where a camp was set up to train the Sikh youths. The gang was allowed to return to India without any encounter to secure safety and identity of the trusted youth. But the operation proved beyond doubt that Changa Manga was an important training facility of the Inter Services Intelligence set up for the Sikh militants.

For bugging a targeted car it is possible to insert a GPS enabled bug in the car of the suspect. Covert vehicle tracking can now be accomplished from the privacy of a computer using the new GPS Satellite system. The system consists of a GPS Receiver and Cellular Modem, which is fastened to the target vehicle with two strong magnets.  Power is supplied either by a field replaceable battery pack which powers the system for approximately 5 days. It is also possible to install a GPS bug connected to the main battery of the car. The GPS enabled bug sends signals to the control room enabling the intelligence operators to track the suspect car. However, in western countries even trucking companies use GPS systems to locate their truck plying long distance hauls.

The wonderful world of ElInt does not end here. In the famous Coomar Narain espionage case (1985) several contacts of Narain in the office of the President of India, Ministry of Defence Production, Industry etc, of Coomar Narain used to steal official documents and visit a shop in Khan Market for copying. These photocopies were passed to foreign intelligence officers by Coomar Narain. One of the documents was accidentally spotted by an agency officer in the Khan Market shop. This initiated an intelligence operation and arrest of a number of suspects selling government documents to foreign intelligence agencies. These days a secret foreign operator need not go through the hassles of using photocopying machines in a commercial establishment. All that he has to do is to use a miniature photocopier that can be hidden in pocket. Ten A4 size papers can be copied in less than five minutes. There are various brands in the market. But the most convenient one is the illustrated pen photocopier.

This equipment is versatile and can be used for stealing, storing and physically carrying photocopies of bulky documents. Stored materials in laptop computers can also be copied by this equipment. It can be used as a USB.

The world of ElInt is full of surprises. Even as the spooks manage to eavesdrop, steal information with application of scientific tools there are tools that try to deny information and detect planted devises. The new Micro Audio/Video Bug Detector is a tiny but powerful RF vibrating detector small enough to be worn on body without being noticed. This tiny micro sized unit measures an amazing 2 1/8 inches long X 1 3/4 inches wide by 1/2 inch deep. It’s a full-featured dual bug detector that silently vibrates to alert about the presence of eavesdropping equipment. It can be used as a covert body worn detector with the included arm band or as a conventional bug detector to sweep a room or office. There are several brands of such micro-detectors in the western markets and in markets in Korea, Japan and Taiwan.

Body Wire Bug Detector

There are many excellent devices to secure phone calls. But to secure room conversation one needs the Acoustical Privacy Jammer. This device will protect instantly from a “bug” even if you did not detect it previously.  It works by generating unfiltrable random white noise – desensitizing any microphone – based eavesdropping. It protects from tape recorders, shotgun microphones, wired devices, and microwave and laser pickups, all the eavesdropper hears is a loud hiss. One homemade remedy is using a radio set at loud pitch to deny any room conversation access to an adversary. This simple method was tried on many occasions in theatres of operation and proved to be successful. A typical acoustic jammer may look like a small buzzing box, illustrated below. However, in large scale jamming operations, say, jamming Pakistani radio and TV beams directed towards a section of Indian people can be locally jammed by using jammers of bigger dimensions with multi-frequency jamming capability of short wave, medium wave and VHF frequencies. Certain embassies in Delhi use jammers with a view to preventing suspected Indian efforts to use laser and radio beams for penetrating the firewalling of the audio facilities inside the diplomatic premises.

A versatile bug detector that is compact and is capable of detecting minutest radiation is now available in the market. This Bug Detector not only tells if a listening devices (bug) is present, LED bar-graph lets the operator zero-in on its exact location. It can cover radiation from 5 MHz to 2 Ghz! This item is popular in VVIP security operations and other sensitive locations. Some of the corporate houses have also adopted this compact bug detector.
Super Sweep-Pro is a big equipment for bug detection. This Counter surveillance Probe/Monitor provides five of the “most desired sweep functions” in one package.

1. R.F. probe “sniffs” environment for hidden phone, room or body bugs, remote signals, computer, Fax or Telex transmitters, video transmitters, pulsed tracking transmitters, and even wide band frequency hopping or “burst” bugs.
2. V.L.F. probe tests A.C. outlets, phone lines or suspicious wires for very low frequency “carrier current” signs.
3. Auxiliary audio input enables it to listen to telephones or lines for “hotmikes,” hookswitch by-pass and “infinity” bugs, also unknown wires and cables can be tested for wired microphones.
4. After a sweep, the alarm monitor guards against new devices brought in, remote control activation, or someone tampering with installed equipment.
5. The 24-hour “evidence” recording output will store suspicious sounds on a standard cassette recorder while you are away.

This equipment can quickly and silently detect all major categories of electronic surveillance, including:

• Room, phone, and body bugs that can transmit conversations
• Video transmitters watching all moves. 
• Vehicle tracking beepers giving away location
• Infinity bugs, hook switch bypass or reversals “turned-on” to conversations
• Wired microphones listening inside a wall
• Computer, Fax or Telex transmitters “reading” information.

This equipment, it is learnt, has not been included in the inventory of Indian intelligence agencies. It is, however, not very costly intelligence-denying equipment. There are several brands of such equipments, but for the purpose of this volume this much is good enough to stoke the curiosity of the readers and professionals.

(Readers interest in the wonder world of intelligence may read my book: Intelligence Tradecraft-tools of Spy-Warfare, Manas Publications, Delhi)